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THE 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT 

IN 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 


BY 


VICTORIANO  D.  DIAMONON 
/    u 


SUBMITTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  THE  GRADUATE  COLLEGE  OF  THE 

STATE  UNIVERSITY  OF  IOWA  IN  PARTIAL  FULFILLMENT 

OF   THE    REQUIREMENTS    FOR   THE    DEGREE 

OF    DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 


IOWA  CITY  IOWA 
1920 


30GV  XdOO 


TO 

PEOFESSOE  BENJ.  F.  SHAMBAUGH  WHOSE 
PEESONAL  INTEEEST  AND  WISE  COUNSEL 
WEEE  A  CONSTANT  ENCOUEAGEMENT  TO 
THE  AUTHOE  DUBING  HIS  COLLEGE  YEAES 


n^ 


4C9045 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

The  American  administration  in  the  Philippines  has 
not  received  the  unbiased  study  which  it  deserves,  and 
as  a  consequence  there  is  current  a  doubt  as  to  its  real 
worth.  The  Philippines  themselves  and  their  people  are 
known  as  a  group  or  groups  of  people  more  or  less  hos- 
tile toward  each  other  who  clamor  for  immediate  inde- 
pendence. Attempts  to  evaluate  the  American  rule  have 
been  subjected  to  vigorous  restrictions  for  special  inter- 
ests. This  is  unfortunate,  for  such  an  attitude  does  not 
reflect  the  American  integrity  in  the  Islands  and  tends  to 
becloud  the  facts  which  would  otherwise  give  credit  to 
Americans  and  Filipinos.  Realizing  this  gross  misrepre- 
sentation, the  Filipinos  have  endeavored  to  correct  the 
erroneous  ideas  but  their  good  efforts  have  failed  to  make 
themselves  felt.  This  is  due  to  two  reasons:  first,  be- 
cause of  the  importance  of  politics;  second,  because  of 
the  lack  of  constructive  propaganda. 

Within  the  brief  compass  of  this  monograph  .it  is 
necessary  to  limit  the  field  of  investigation  to  certain 
aspects  of  the  American  administration.  In  retracing 
the  successive  steps  which  the  Filipinos  have  taken  to  the 
date  they  assumed  practical  self-government,  the  author 
has  attempted  to  show  the  following:  (1)  that  a  de- 
pendency may  be  successfully  administered  without  dis- 
regarding the  desires  of  the  governed  —  America  has  set 
the  example;  (2)  that  under  a  humane  policy  two  races 
which  have  nothing  traditionally  or  otherwise  in  common 


yj  AUTHOR'S  PEEFACE 

may  be  made  to  cooperate  with  each  other;  (3)  that  the 
success  of  the  American  rule  has  been  made  possible 
because  of  the  willing  cooperation  of  the  Filipinos  them- 
selves. The  main  purpose  is  to  show  the  spirit  of  the 
administration  and  structural  exposition  has  received 
little  attention  except  where  it  was  necessary.  The 
monograph  further  attempts  to  show  that  the  Filipinos' 
ambition  for  independent  statehood,  although  very  much 
abused  for  political  purposes,  is  sincerely  well  meant  and 
is  largely  responsible  for  the  undivided  cooperation  in 
the  execution  of  the  liberal  policy  of  America;  that 
underneath  this  aspiration  is  a  national  consciousness  — 
the  indestructible  feeling  of  nationality  —  which  has 
developed  in  the  course  of  their  struggle  for  liberty  and 
justice.  At  all  events  this  monograph  is  an  acceptance 
of  the  American  rule  in  the  Philippines. 

The  author  does  not  fail  to  observe  that,  notwith- 
standing the  apparent  liberality  of  the  American  policy 
and  the  persistent  demand  of  the  Filipinos  for  inde- 
pendence, it  appears  that  America  must  insist  upon  cer- 
tain standards  which  she  has  set  up  for  the  Filipinos  to 
follow  before  withdrawing  from  the  Islands.  So  far  the 
Filipinos  have  not  gained  the  full  r»oT»f?/»«nr»o  of  the 
American  people,  and  what  is  needed  is  real  constructive 
propaganda  and  journalism  which  build  rather  than 
destroy. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  monograph  the  author 
wishes  to  express  his  many  obligations  to  Professor 
Benj.  F.  Shambaugh  for  constant  encouragement  and 
suggestions  which  contributed  to  the  realization  of  this 
undertaking.  Likewise  is  the  author  under  obligations 
to  Colonel  Chas.  C.  Walcutt,  Jr.,  Assistant  Chief  of  the 
Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs,  for  inspiration  and  valuable 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  yjj 

suggestions  and  for  reading  the  manuscript  before  it 
went  to  press.  The  author  respectfully  acknowledges  his 
obligation  to  Dr.  Euth  A.  Gallaher  for  editing  the  manu- 
script. No  pretensions  are  made  for  exhaustive  treat- 
ment of  the  subject. 

VlCTORIANO  D.  DlAMONON 
Iowa  City  Iowa 
November  1920 


CONTENTS 

Author's  Preface 5 

I.    Introduction  :  The  Significance  of  the  Military 

Regime 11 

II.    Law-making  Power  :  The  Evolution  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Legislature 29 


III.  The  Effect  of  the  Clarke  Amendment  in  the 

Philippines 61 

IV.  Filipinization  of  the  Insular  Service    ....      11 
V.    Executive  Reforms  Under  the  Jones  Act   ...      98 

VI.    The  Heritage  of  the  Filipino  People    ....  117 

VII.     The  American  Standard  in  the  Philippines    .    .  145     A^ 


INTRODUCTION:   THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE 
MILITARY  REGIME 

May  1,  1898,  that  most  memorable  day  when  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  waved  over  Manila  Bay  and  five  thousand  brave  sons 
engaged  in  the  most  deadly  battle  the  Philippines  ever  witnessed, 
marked  the  downfall  of  the  Peninsular  Power  in  the  Far  East 
and  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  colonial  administration.  For 
the  first  time  in  the  world's  history  did  a  strong  nation  enter  a 
war  not  to  enlarge  its  enviable  glory  and  self-aggrandizement 
but  to  sympathize  with  an  oppressed  race.  The  United  States  of 
America,  amateur  as  it  was  in  colonial  administration,  made  up 
its  mind  to  make  the  Philippines  a  partaker  of  those  rights, 
liberties,  and  privileges  for  which  she  herself  so  heroically  bled. 

The  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  in  Manila  Bay  gave  the 
United  States  full  authority  over  the  city  of  Manila.  Accord- 
ingly, President  McKinley  issued  instructions  to  the  military 
authorities  to  conduct  its  affairs  and  to  establish  peace  and  order 
in  the  capital  city.  Upon  the  capitulation  of  the  Spanish  troops 
on  August  13,  1898,  General  Merritt,  commanding  the  forces  on 
land,  proclaimed  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States,  guaranteeing  to  them  respect  for  their 
established  institutions  and  personal  rights.1 

With  the  restoration  of  general  business  to  a  peace  basis  sev- 
eral matters  of  importance  presented  themselves  for  solution. 
These  were:  the  enforcement  of  tariff  laws,  which  must  neces- 
sarily be  done  as  the  ports  were  opened;  the  organization  of 
public  schools;  the  reorganization  of  courts  to  dispose  of  civil 
matters;  the  establishment  of  local  government;  the  regulation 
of  public  health;  the  problem  of  the  Republic  of  Negros;  and 
the  Bates  treaty  with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu.    Because  of  their  im- 

i  Official  Gazette  (Manila),  January  1,  1903,  pp.  1-4. 

11 


J2  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

portance  to  subsequent  legislation,  and  to  the  formulation  of 
policies  in  later  days  each  of  these  subjects  deserves  comment. 

THE  TARIFF 
Under  the  Spanish  tariff  law  the  collection  of  revenues  was 
most  discouraging  to  trade.  Duties  on  necessities  were  much 
larger  than  those  on  luxuries.  This  situation  caused  the  creation 
of  a  board  to  revise  the  tariff  system  with  a  view  to  encouraging 
trade  with  the  world,  especially  with  the  United  States.  Its 
sessions  were  open  to  the  public  and  merchants  and  importers 
offered  their  suggestions.  The  report  of  the  army  board  was 
published  as  the  "Proposed  customs  tariff  for  ports  in  the 
Philippine  Archipelago,  as  recommended  by  the  Philippine  Com- 
mission. "  Suggestions  and  recommendations  were  invited  by  the 
War  Department  until  April  15,  1901,  to  be  considered  with  a 
view  to  amendments  before  promulgation.  Copies  of  this  act 
were  distributed  in  the  United  States.  This  tariff  became  act 
No.  230  of  the  laws  adopted  by  the  United  States  Philippine 
Commission  on  November  15,  1901.  Five  ports  had  already 
been  opened  by  virtue  of  the  President's  order  in  the  following 
order:  Manila,  August  20,  1898;  Iloilo,  February  22,  1899; 
Cebu,  March  14,  1899;  and  Zamboanga,  Siassi,  and  Jolo,  De- 
cember 26, 1899.  The  customs  collections  after  the  first  two  years 
of  American  occupation  showed  encouraging  signs,  amounting  to 
$19,389,238.87.  The  collections  from  August,  1898,  to  June, 
1900,  were  $11,483,813  —  twice  as  large  as  those  of  1897,  127 
per  cent  more  than  for  1896,  and  nearly  three  times  those  for 
1895.2  The  administration  of  coastwise  trade  was  entrusted  to 
customs  officials  and  in  order  to  care  for  patents  and  trade 
marks,  including  copyrights,  an  office  was  created  in  June,  1899, 
under  the  direction  of  Captain  George  P.  Ahern.3 

2  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  1,  p.  12,  Pt. 
10,  pp.  7,  8,  9,  79,  83,  84,  145;  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1901, 
Pt.  1,  pp.  121,  122.  For  a  history  of  the  tariff  see  Senate  Documents,  57th 
Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XIII,  Document  No.  134,  pp.  2-32.  On  page  69 
is  a  table  of  comparison  between  the  old  Spanish  tariff  and  the  new  tariff, 
which  is  Act  No.  230  of  the  United  States  Philippine  Commission. 

3  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  pp.  13,  14, 
162,  164;  Beport  of  the  Lieutenant  General  Commanding  the  Army,  1900, 

Pt.  2,  p.  488. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITAEY  REGIME  ]£ 

PUBLIC  EDUCATION 

The  most  notable  feature  of  the  American  administration  in 
the  Philippines  is  the  system  of  public  education.  Education  is 
a  requisite  without  which  no  popular  government  can  long  exist ; 
it  is  the  surest  salvation  of  a  race.  The  American  people  have 
reason  to  be  proud  of  their  liberal  government.  Hardly  three 
weeks  had  passed  after  the  occupation  of  Manila  when  a  system 
of  public  education  was  instituted  in  the  Philippines.  On  this 
subject  Major  General  MacArthur  said:  "In  all  matters  touch- 
ing schools  there  is  a  fortunate  coincidence  of  American  interests 
and  Filipino  aspirations,  which  in  this  important  particular 
come  into  complete  and  harmonious  focus."  While  the  country 
was  at  the  verge  of  war  with  its  ally  against  the  common  enemy, 
George  P.  Anderson  was  superintending  twenty-four  schools 
in  Manila  with  an  average  attendance  of  4,500  pupils.  In  other 
towns  American  soldiers  took  Filipino  children  on  their  laps  and 
taught  them  English.  The  war  between  the  Americans  and  the 
Filipinos  which  broke  out  in  February,  1899,  and  persisted  in 
bush  warfare  for  a  number  of  years  did  not  seem  to  upset  the 
work  of  the  public  schools  or  the  eagerness  of  the  Filipino  par- 
ents to  see  their  children  educated.  As  early  as  March  30,  1900, 
the  Department  of  Public  Instruction  came  into  being  under  the 
direction  of  Dr.  Fred  W.  Atkinson.  The  report  of  the  Schurman 
Commission  in  November,  1900,  stated  that  the  army  had  opened 
one  thousand  schools  in  the  Philippines  at  an  expenditure  of  over 
$41,000  for  books  and  supplies  to  say  nothing  of  the  many  gifts 
which  came  from  various  societies  in  the  United  States.  The 
significance  of  the  generous  enterprise  is  even  more  apparent 
from  the  fact  that  by  September,  1900,  the  American  soldiers 
were  teaching  2,500  Mohammedan  children  in  the  Moro  land.4 

The  Normal  School,  which  to-day  is  one  of  the  institutions  of 

*  The  Philippine  Census,  1903,  "Vol.  Ill,  p.  639 ;  Senate  Documents,  56th 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  Vol.  XII,  Document  No.  112,  p.  107;  Report. of  the 
Lieutenant  General  Commanding  the  Army,  1900,  Pt.  2,  p.  492;  Annual 
Report  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  5,  pp.  64,  265. 


J4  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

which  the  Insular  Government  is  proud,  was  opened  during  the 
military  regime.  Likewise  the  Nautical  School  was  opened  in 
December,  1899,  to  train  the  Filipinos  to  conduct  their  own  inter- 
island  trade.  The  course  covered  a  period  of  three  years  and  was 
equal  to  the  requirements  in  the  United  States  Naval  Academy.5 
Perhaps  the  most  interesting  school  at  this  time  was  the  night 
school  in  Manila  opened  on  September  3,  1900,  upon  the  initi- 
ative of  the  Philippine  Commission.  The  unexpectedly  rapid 
inflow  of  students  made  it  imperative  to  increase  the  number  of 
schools.  Each  evening  nineteen  hundred  students  under  the 
diligent  tutorship  of  twenty-five  instructors  filled  the  class  rooms. 
They  were  as  different  in  age  —  ranging  from  twelve  to  sixty 
years  —  as  they  were  different  in  occupation.  Eager  to  learn  the 
English  language,  clerks,  merchants,  newspaper  reporters,  sales- 
men, teachers,  police,  laborers,  barbers,  machinists,  cigar  makers, 
secretaries,  janitors,  and  even  firemen  passed  the  hours  of  the 
evenings  in  this  useful  manner.6 

ESTABLISHING  JUSTICE 

Upon  the  official  occupation  of  the  city  of  Manila  on  August 
13,  1898,  the  courts  had  practically  ceased  to  function.  Prisons 
were  crowded  with  convicts  some  of  whom  were  cast  into  the 
dark  cells  for  purely  political  reasons  while  others  were  awaiting 
unnecessarily  deferred  trial.  So  defective  was  the  Spanish  sys- 
tem of  procedure  that  a  thorough  revision  of  the  code  was  im- 
perative. For  this  purpose  General  E.  S.  Otis  created  a  com- 
mission with  Don  Cayetano  Arellano  as  chairman  to  codify  the 
legislative  enactments  and  royal  decrees  of  the  past  century. 

In  the  message  announcing  the  capitulation  of  the  Spanish 
troops  on  August  13,  1898,  it  was  stated  that  "This  city,  its  in- 
habitants, its  churches  and  religious  worship,  itl^  educational 
establishments  and  its  private  property  of  all  descriptions  are 
placed  under  the  special  safeguard  of  the  faith  and  honor  of  the 

s  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  34;  Annual  'Reports  of  the  War 
Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  4,  p.  547,  Pt.  10,  pp.  240-244. 

«  Senate  Documents,  56th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  Vol.  XII,  Document  No. 
112,  p.  110. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITARY  REGIME  ]£ 

American  army."7  Accordingly,  General  Merritt  appointed  a 
provost  marshal  general  to  take  the  place  of  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernor of  Manila.  By  August  22,  1898,  hardly  two  months  after 
the  arrival  of  the  United  States  forces,  military  commissions  and 
provost  courts  had  been  organized  in  different  parts  of  the 
Philippines  as  they  came  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States.  The  military  commissions  and  provost  courts  dealt  with 
cases  which  were  not  triable  exclusively  by  court  martial.  To 
dispose  of  the  cases  which  demanded  immediate  attention  General 
Otis  opened  the  courts  which  were  in  operation  prior  to  August 
13th  for  general  business.  The  Audiencia  Territorial  de  Manila 
which  was  suspended  on  January  30,  1899,  was  reinstituted  as 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Philippine  Islands.8 

The  report  of  the  board  to  codify  the  laws  included,  among 
others,  a  recommendation  that  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court 
be  not  composed  of  Filipinos  only.  This  liberal  recommendation 
received  a  warm  reception  among  the  military  authorities,  and 
General  Otis  as  Military  Governor  of  the  Philippines  appointed 
the  following  judges  for  the  chambers  of  the  Supreme  Court: 
President  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Don  Cayetano  Arellano ;  presi- 
dent of  the  Civil  Branch,  Don  Manuel  Araullo  assisted  by 
Don  Gregorio  Araneta  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  E<  H.  Crowder. 
Don  Reymundo  Milleza  was  appointed  president  of  the  -Criminal 
Branch  assisted  by  Don  Ambrosio  Rianzares,  Don  Julio  Llorente, 
Major  R.  W.  Young,  and  Captain  W.  E.  Birkhimer.  Don 
Florentino  Torres  became  the  attorney  of  the  Supreme  Court 
with  Don  Dionicio  Chanco  as  his  associate.9  These  were  the 
initial  appointments  to  responsible  offices  which  even  to-day-ftave 
maintained  their  prestige  before  tfie,  public.  Of  the  nine  justices 
six  were  Filipinos/anH  three  w^*e  AmericaflsV^He  president  of 
the  Supreme  Court  axfS  1the  chairmen  of  the  chambers  were  all 

7  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  3. 

s  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  5;  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  De- 
partment, 1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  p.  154;  Beport  of  Major-General  E.  8.  Otis, 
1899,  p.  148. 

»  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  5;  Beport  of  Major-General  E.  8. 
Otis,  1899,  pp.  145,  146,  148. 


16 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


Filipinos  who  had  long  rendered  service  as  judges  during  the 
Spanish  regime.  The  attorneys  were  all  natives  of  the  Philip- 
pines. 

But  the  real  good  which  the  commission  accomplished  con- 
sisted of  the  revision  of  the  procedure  with  a  view  to  making  it 
more  liberal  and  just  to  the  accused.  The  commission  abolished 
the  notoriously  slow  criminal  procedure  of  Spain  and  instituted 
a  speedy  and  public  trial  of  the  accused.  The  old  system  of 
commencing  proceedings  without  first  serving  notice  to  the  de- 
fendant of  the  charges  made  against  him  was  abolished.  Under 
the  new  system  the  defendant  is  fully  informed  of  the  claim 
against  him.  He  has  the  right  to  appear  and  defend  himself  at 
the  trial  which  causes  no  unnecessary  delay.  In  all  cases  he  is 
entitled  to  bail  which  was  not  extended  to  him  in  the  past.  This 
much  needed  reform  relieved  the  prisons  of  Manila.10  Com- 
menting on  this  particular  piece  of  reform,  Chief  Justice  Arel- 
lano said: 

"This  law,  based  upon  the  accusatory  system,  has  abolished 
the  inquisitorial  period  so  derogatory  of  the  rights  of  the  ac- 
cused, and  which  was  the  foundation  of  our  criminal  procedure ; 
the  time  formerly  taken  up  by  this  inquisitorial  system  without 
the  right  of  intervention  on  the  part  of  the  accused,  which  at 
times  would  be  prolonged  for  years,  dependent  upon  the  difficulty 
of  investigation,  has  been  saved;  the  long  period  of  preventive 
punishment  suffered  by  many  persons  during  the  long  summary 
of  examination  was  carried  on  for  the  purpose  of  investigating 
the  commission  of  the  crime  and  whether  any  person  was  guilty 
thereof;  the  new  procedure  provides  for  complete  equality  be- 
tween the  accuser  and  the  accused,  between  the  prosecution  car- 
ried on  by  the  government  and  the  defense  of  his  personal 
liberty  and  the  security  interposed  by  the  defendant;  a  brief 
proceeding  which  becomes  and  is  public  from  its  initiation,  fully 
provides  all  that  is  necessary  for  complete  defense,  and  is  an 
absolute  safeguard  of  personal  security ;  this  undoubtedly,  is  the 

*°  Gregorio  Araneta's  Organisation  of  the  Police  and  Judiciary  in  the 
Cablenews- American  (Manila,  annual  number),  1911,  p.  32  et  seq. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITARY  REGIME  yj 

greatest  benefit  conferred  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  coun- 
try."11 

This  reform  was  promulgated  as  General  Order  No.  58  on 
April  23,  1900.  With  respect  to  provincial  courts,  the  courts  of 
first  instance  were  established  in  the  various  provinces  as  follows : 
Pangasinan,  January  2,  1900;  Cagayan  and  Isabella,  January 
16,  1900;  Ilocos  Sur,  January  31,  1900;  Cavite,  February  13, 
1900;  Iloilo,  March  27,  1900;  Pampanga,  Nueva  Ecija,  Ilocos 
Norte,  and  Bataan,  April  30,  1900;  Cebu,  May  19,  1900;  and 
Bohol,  October  17,  1900.12  As  provinces  were  occupied  local 
courts  came  into  being,  and  to  all  superior  courts  like  that  of  the 
island  of  Negros  was  given  the  authority  of  habeas  corpus.13 

Another  reform  which  deserves  comment  in  this  connection 
was  the  regulation  of  marriage.  During  the  Spanish  time  mar- 
riage was  solemnized  by  the  church  alone.  The  unbearable  ex- 
pense which  the  ceremony  entailed  proved  a  detriment  to  morals, 
with  the  result  that  property  descent  was  most  difficult  to  deter- 
mine. General  Otis  revoked  ''all  laws  and  provisions,  general 
and  particular,  and  even  those  customary,  which  are  in  conflict 
with  the  order."  It  authorized  the  judge  of  any  court  inferior 
to  the  supreme  court,  justice  of  the  peace,  priest,  or  minister  of 
the  gospel  to  solemnize  marriages.14 

LOCAL  AUTONOMY 

The  manner  in  which  the  military  authorities  administered 
the  Philippine  affairs  in  1899  and  1900,  and  the  way  the  Fili- 
pinos responded  to  the  confidence  which  their  new  rulers  ac- 
corded to  them  in  the  midst  of  the  warfare  and  hostilities  that 

"Malcolm's  The  Government  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  p.  681. 

12  The  Cablenews-American  (annual  number),  1911,  p.  32;  Beport  of 
Major-General  E.  S.  Otis,  1899,  pp.  147,  148;  Annual  Reports  of  the  War 
Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  4,  pp.  455,  456. 

is  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  7. 

i*  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  4,  p.  452; 
General  Order  No.  68  in  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  16. 

For  an  historical  resume  of  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  Philip- 
pines from  1582-1891  see  Justice  Arellano's  treatise  in  Senate  Documents, 
56th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  Vol.  XII,  Document  No.  112,  p.  225  et  seq. 


lg  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

existed  between  the  two  races  at  the  time,  would  seem  like  a 
miracle  to  an  impartial  observer.  Popular  government  in  the 
Philippines  as  far  as  local  administration  is  concerned  is  not  a 
product  of  years  of  experience.  On  August  8,  1899,  in  the  teeth 
of  guerilla  warfare,  the  military  headquarters  issued  an  order 
outlining  the  political  machinery  of  each  town  occupied  by  the 
American  troops.  The  order  provided  for  the  election  of  a  presi- 
dent, vice-president,  and  council.  It  was  a  sort  of  a  town- 
meeting  where  the  chief  officer  was  elected  by  acclamation.  He 
must  be  a  native  Filipino  and  a  property  holder.  But  for  the 
absence  of  ballots  the  election  was  otherwise  modern.  The 
aldermen  composing  the  council  were  elected  by  the  inhabitants 
of  their  respective  wards.  Executing  the  duties  which  ordinarily 
belong  to  these  offices,  the  officers  were  charged  with  full  respon- 
sibilities for  their  city.  The  city  government  established  a  police 
force  and  collected  taxes  and  fees.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  local 
government  to  establish  and  provide  public  education,  to  enforce 
sanitary  laws,  to  regulate  the  sale  of  foods  and  intoxicants,  and 
to  perform  the  other  duties  which  ordinarily  belong  to  municipal 
governments.  The  council  had  the  duty  of  passing  ordinances 
to  govern  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants,  while  as  aldermen  in 
their  wards  they  had  to  maintain  peace  and  order.15 

This  tentative  form  of  local  government  was  tried  in  the  most 
rebellious  towns  of  Bacoor,  Imus,  and  Cavite  with  eminent  suc- 
cess. The  senior  army  officer  in  the  town  passed  upon  the  ordi- 
nances before  they  were  promulgated.  Encouraged  by  their 
initial  success  the  order  was  applied  in  other  towns  —  Las  Piiias, 
Parafiaque,  Pandacan,  Santa  Ana,  San  Felipe,  Neri,  San  Pedro 
Macati,  and  Malolos.16 

Purely  on  his  own  initiative  General  Lawton  ordered  the  first 
popular  election  in  the  Philippines.  On  May  7,  1899,  the  town 
of  Baliwag  saw  the  birth  of  popular  government  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands.    The  election  resulted  in  the  triumphant  victory  of 

is  Official  Gazette,  January  1,  1903,  p.  7 ;  Beport  of  Major-General  E.  S. 
Otis,  1899,  p.  144;  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I, 
Pt.  6,  p.  22,  Pt.  8,  pp.  140,  143,  144,  163-165. 

i«  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1900,  Vol.  I,  pp.  177,  178. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITAEY  REGIME 


19 


Francisco  Gregorio,  the  first  officer  and  president  elected  under 
the  American  rule.17 

At  Maycawayan  a  novel  election  took  place  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Major  Kobbe.  The  voters  filed  past  the  judges  of  elec- 
tion, whispered  their  preferences,  and  their  votes  were  recorded. 

All  these  were  provisional  measures  to  meet  the  exigencies  of 
the  time.  On  January  29,  1900,  the  Military  Governor  created  a 
commission  to  draw  up  a  general  framework  for  the  government 
of  cities  and  towns  in  the  Philippines,  and  again  Chief  Justice 
Arellano  was  appointed  chairman.18  Two  months  later  the  com- 
mission submitted  its  report  and  made  a  recommendation  which 
was  promulgated  as  General  Order  No.  40.19  Because  it  formed 
the  basis  for  subsequent  legislation  a  brief  comment  on  its  con- 
tent may  not  be  out  of  place. 

According  to  its  provisions,  incorporated  towns  were  known  as 
municipios  with  the  ordinary  corporate  rights  and  privileges: 
that  is,  the  right  to  sue  and  be  sued ;  to  contract  and  be  con- 
tracted with;  and  to  acquire  and  hold 'real  and  personal  prop- 
erty. The  municipios  were  divided  into  four  classes,  the  number 
of  aldermen  being  dependent  upon  the  population.  Cities  with 
a  population  of  at  least  25,000  were  in  the  first  class ;  those  with 
18,000-25,000  population  were  in  the  second  class;  those  with 
from  10,000-18,000  belonged  to  the  third  class ;  while  those  with 
less  than  10,000  inhabitants  were  in  the  fourth  class.  First 
class  cities  were  entitled  to  eighteen  aldermen,  second  class  cities 
to  fourteen,  third  class  cities  to  ten,  and  fourth  class  cities  to 
eight.  Manila,  being  a  special  city,  is  not  included  in  the  classi- 
fication. 

The  officers  were  composed  of  the  alcalde,  municipal  lieutenant, 
and  councillors,  elected  by  popular  vote  for  two  years.  The 
secretary,  the  treasurer,  and  the  attorney  were  to  be  elected  by 
the  council. 

As  chief  executive,  the  alcalde  was  clothed  with  the  powers 

17  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1899,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  5,  p.  88. 

is  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  1,  Pt.  4,  p.  476. 

i»  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  4,  pp.  477- 
487. 


20  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

and  duties  which  generally  pertain  to  that  office.  By  and  with 
the  consent  of  the  council  he  made  the  appointments  of  the 
officers  whose  election  was  not  provided  for.  The  alcalde  en- 
forced the  ordinances,  supervised  the  collection  of  taxes,  pre- 
sided at  public  auction,  and  issued  warrants  upon  the  treasury. 

The  office  of  the  city  attorney  was  filled  by  a  Filipino  lawyer. 
As  adviser  of  the  city,  he  represented  the  corporation  in  all  its 
legal  relations.  He  was  required  to  attend  the  sessions  of  the 
council  but  did  not  have  a  vote. 

The  duties  which  fell  upon  the  secretary  and  the  treasurer 
were  those  ordinarily  conferred  upon  such  officers.  Like  all 
other  officers  of  the  city  they  were  required  to  give  a  bond  which 
in  the  case  of  the  treasurer  was  to  be  sufficient  to  cover  the  esti- 
mated amount  which  would  come  under  his  care. 

The  duties  of  the  city  council  were  most  complete.  Each  year 
the  body  resolved  itself  into  committees  taking  charge  of  the 
police,  public  health,  agriculture,  irrigation,  live  stock,  public 
works  and  roads,  and  schools. 

The  franchise  was  extended  to  all  male  citizens  23  years  of 
age  who  during  the  six  months  immediately  prior  to  the  election 
had  resided  in  the  city  where  the  vote  was  to  be  polled.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  requirements,  each  elector  must  belong  to  one  of 
these  classes :  a  municipal  captain,  gobernadorcillo,  lieutenant,  or 
cabeza  de  barangay,  prior  to  August  13,  1898;  a  tax  payer  of 
thirty  pesos  a  year ;  or  be  able  to  read,  speak,  and  write  English 
or  Spanish. 

The  disqualified  consisted  of  the  criminals  and  the  insane  and 
feeble-minded ;  those  who  had  been  convicted  three  times  for  dis- 
orderly conduct ;  debtors  to  municipal  funds  and  those  who  had 
pending  litigation  with  a  municipio  or  had  a  contract  with  city 
or  provincial  enterprises.  To  do  away  with  the  old  question  of 
church  and  state,  ecclesiastics  and  soldiers  were  barred  from 
office  and  if  a  certain  petition  were  filed  with  the  secretary  an 
officer  might  not  be  elected  for  a  third  term. 

This,  in  brief,  was  the  local  government  in  the  Philippines 
until  the  United  States  Philippine  Commission  had  legislated 
upon  the  subject.    It  should  be  noted  that  local  self-government 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITARY  REGIME  21 

was  not  a  gradual  concession  to  the  Filipinos.  It  was  given  to 
them  without  previous  training.  The  application  of  the  law  was 
determined  by  a  senior  officer  of  the  United  States  army  and 
upon  his  recommendation  it  was  applied  to  a  specified  city.  Six 
months  after  its  promulgation  the  general  order  was  in  operation 
in  seventy-seven  municipalities  in  the  Philippines.20 

On  January  31,  1901,  the  United  States  Philippine  Commis- 
sion passed  an  act21  providing  for  the  government  of  cities  and 
towns  in  the  Philippines.  It  was  General  Order  No.  40  with 
some  improvements.  The  most  important  change  made  by  the 
commission  was  that  relative  to  the  extension  of  suffrage.  Undei 
the  new  law  holders  of  property  to  the  value  of  500  pesos  might 
also  vote.  The  disqualifications  were  revised.  Those  barred 
from  voting  consisted  of  delinquent  tax  payers,  assessed  on 
August  13,  1898 ;  those  declared  incompetent  by  the  court ;  vio- 
lators of  allegiance  to  the  United  States;  the  criminals  and  the 
feeble-minded.  Thus,  it  is  seen  that  the  Philippine  Commission 
made  local  government  more  popular  by  extending  the  suffrage. 

PUBLIC  HEALTH 

The  war  with  the  United  States  not  only  depleted  the  popula- 
tion but  made  public  health  insecure.  With  the  attention  of  the 
medical  profession  concentrated  in  army  camps  the  non-military 

20  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  p.  29. 

These  municipalities  were  the  following:  Bengued  (Abra),  Cavite,  Cavite 
Viejo,  La  Caridad  (Cavite),  Laoag  (Ilocos  Norte),  Candon,  Vigan  (Ilocos 
Sur),  Jaen,  Cabiao,  Panaranda,  Gapan,  San  Antonio,  Santa  Rosa  (Nueva 
Ecija),  Angeles,  Apalit,  Arayat,  Bacolor,  Batis,  Candaba,  Flora  Blanca, 
Guagua,  Lubao,  Mabalocat,  Maeabebe,  Magalang,  Mexico,  Porac,  San  Fer- 
nando, Santa  Ana,  San  Luis,  San  Miguel,  San  Simon,  Santa  Rita,  Santo 
Tomas,  Sexmoan  (Pampanga),  Calasiao,  Dagupan  (Pangasinan),  Sariafla, 
Tayabas  (Tayabas),  Namacpacan,  San  Fernando  (Union),  Alegna, 
Balemban,  Bantayan,  Bago,  Cebu,  Daan,  Dumanjug,  Medellin,  Naga, 
Remegio  (Cebu),  Antique,  Cola  si  (Antique),  Calivo,  Pontevedra  (Capiz), 
Maycawayan,  Palo  (Bulacan),  Hoilo  (Hoilo),  San  Isidro,  Talavera,  Caban- 
atuan,  Bongabong,  Saragosa,  Rosales,  Humingan,  Aliaga,  Cuyapo,  San 
Quintin  (Nueva  Ecija),  Mauban  (Tayabas),  Pandan,  Capiz,  Dao,  Dumarao, 
Ibajay,  Mambusao,  and  all  towns  of  Bohol  except  Carmen. 

si  Act  No.  82  of  the  United  States  Philippine  Commission. 


22 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


public  was  necessarily  neglected.  In  the  city  of  Manila  con- 
gestion offered  a  fertile  soil  for  disease  and  epidemics.  This 
situation  was  made  doubly  bad  by  the  lepers  who  mingled  with 
the  healthy  public.  Of  all  the  hospitals  which  the  Spaniards 
provided  for  these  unfortunates  only  two  deserve  mention  —  the 
San  Lazaro  in  Manila  and  another  in  Nueva  Caceres  with  a  total 
capacity  of  four  hundred  beds. 

The  city  health  board,  made  up  of  army  physicians,  started  a 
systematic  campaign  first  in  the  arrest  of  lepers  for  the  purpose 
of  segregating  them  and  second  in  establishing  laboratories  and 
opening  hospitals  and  free  dispensaries.  Vaccination  for  small 
pox  was  rigidly  enforced.22 

THE  EEPUBLIC  OP  NEGROS 

Of  all  the  provinces  in  the  Philippines  Negros  has  shown  itself 
to  be  the  most  forbearing  and  conservative.  During  the  Spanish 
rule  the  Negrosefios  shouldered  their  burden  most  patiently,  al- 
ways slow  to  anger  and  slower  to  raise  their  hand  against  the 
wrongs  and  injustice  against  which  their  brothers  in  the  north 
had  long  since  revolted.  As  if  at  the  end  of  the  rope  of  their 
patience  the  peaceful  Negrosefios  rose  against  their  rulers.  In 
November,  1898,  the  high  tension  caused  an  outbreak  which 
resulted  in  the  lowering  of  the  Spanish  flag  in  the  island  of 
Negros.  The  Spaniards  left  the  island  minus  their  arms  never 
to  return,  and  all  the  public  responsibility  and  public  property 
came  into  the  hands  of  a  provisional  government  which  the  in- 
habitants had  organized.  The  Spaniards  changed  their  opinion 
of  the  people  of  Negros.  The  people,  whom  they  had  thought  for 
centuries  were  mere  playthings,  found  themselves  all  of  a  sud- 
den in  the  unbound  freedom  and  liberty  for  which  they  had 
fought  single-handed.  The  manner  in  which  the  inhabitants 
maintained  peace  and  order  following  the  unexpected  triumph 
perplexed  the  American  authorities  in  Manila. 

When  this  status  was  gained  Manila  had  already  been  occupied 
by  the  United  States  troops.  With  the  treaty  of  Paris  still  pend- 
ing, the  people  of  Negros  did  not  know  but  that  Spain  might 

»  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  pp.  283, 
284,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  4,  pp.  248,  249. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITARY  REGIME  23 

retain  some  of  the  islands  in  the  Philippine  Archipelago.  The 
ratification  of  the  treaty  however  gave  the  United  States  full 
title  to  all  the  islands.  This  forced  the  Negroseiios  to  choose 
between  two  alternatives  —  whether  to  perfect  the  provisional 
government  and  run  the  risk  of  probable  dissensions  in  the 
future,  or  to  accept  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  and 
rest  secure.    Prudent  deliberation  chose  the  latter. 

Accordingly,  on  November^  12,  1898,  the  congress  of  the  re- 
public framed  a  resolution  and  commissioned  Jose  Araneta  to 
present  it  to  Captain  Glass  at  that  time  commanding  the  Charles- 
ton in  the  harbor,  requesting  him  to  assume  charge  of  the  new 
government  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  Of  course  the  captain 
had  to  decline,  having  received  no  such  instructions,  and  the 
delegate  returned  disappointed.  While  awaiting  the  next  oppor- 
tunity of  requesting  protection  from  the  United  States  authority, 
the  republic  determined  to  run  its  own  affairs.  Following  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities  between  the  Americans  and  the  Filipinos 
on  February  4,  1899,  General  Miller  took  possession  of  Iloilo  on 
February  12th.  Again  the  congress  of  Negros  despatched  a  dele- 
gation to  the  general  to  negotiate  for  protection,  but  it  was  ad- 
vised to  proceed  to  Manila  and  present  its  cause  to  General  Otis, 
the  Military  Governor  of  the  Philippines.  As  a  result  troops  were 
despatched  to  the  island  under  the  command  of  General  Smith 
with  instruction  to  frame  a  constitution  suitable  to  the  needs  of 
the  locality.23 

A  committee  to  formulate  a  constitution  sat  in  Bacolod,  the 
capital  of  the  republic.  It  was  composed  of  Jose  Luzuriaga, 
president  of  the  congress,  Estanislao  Yusay,  its  vice-president, 
Manuel  Jaime,  delegate  from  Bacolod,  Manuel  Ledesma,  delegate 
from  Pontevedra,  and  Manuel  Regalado,  delegate  from  Binal- 
bagan.  The  draft  was  forwarded  to  General  Otis  through  the 
congress.24 

What  the  Filipino  committee  on  drafting  a  constitution  had 

23  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  pp.  249, 
251. 

24  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department  (Major  General  Commanding 
the  Army),  1899,  Pt.  3,  pp.  338,  341. 


24  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

produced  may  be  of  interest  as  bearing  on  their  political  capacity. 
Under  the  proposed  constitution  the  Republic  of  Negros  had  two 
governors:  a  military  governor  appointed  by  General  Otis,  and 
a  civil  governor  elected  by  the  voters  of  Negros.  One  was  Amer- 
ican, the  other  a  Filipino.  The  military  governor  was  the  chief 
executive  endowed  with  full  powers  to  enforce  the  law  and  to 
appoint  non-elective  officers.  The  civil  governor  was  adviser  to 
the  military  governor  and  presided  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
council.  Other  important  portfolios  were  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  the  secretary  of  agriculture,  the  secretary  of  public 
instruction,  the  attorney  general,  and  the  auditor  —  all  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  military  governor.  The  judicial  power  was  vested 
in  three  judges  appointed  by  the  military  governor.  Rather  a 
novel  feature  was  the  power  of  the  council  to  determine  the  mode 
of  procedure  of  the  court.  The  legislative  body  or  the  council 
was  composed  of  eight  members  —  three  from  Oriental  Negros, 
four  from  Occidental  Negros,  and  one  delegate  at  large. 

The  qualifications  of  the  electors  in  the  island  of  Negros  were 
even  more  liberal  than  those  subsequently  prescribed  by  the 
Philippine  Commission  in  1901.  The  electorate  was  composed 
of  the  male  citizens  of  the  island  of  Negros  at  least  21  years  of 
age,  able  to  speak,  read,  and  write  English,  Spanish,  or  the 
Visayan  dialect.  In  addition  to  these  each  elector  must  hold  real 
property  to  the  value  of  500  pesos  or  pay  rental  on  real  prop- 
erty valued  at  1000  pesos.  The  residence  requirement  was  one 
year  in  the  island  and  not  less  than  three  months  in  the  district 
where  the  elector  intended  to  vote.  Certain  groups  were  spe-7 
cifically  disqualified.25  * 

The  constitution  was  proclaimed  to  take  effect  on  July  22, 
1899.  On  October  2, 1899,  the  first  general  election  in  the  Philip- 
pines was  held  in  the  island  of  Negros.  Of  the  six  thousand 
who  registered  five  thousand  voted,  electing  Sr.  Melecio  Severino, 
the  first  Filipino  governor  under  the  United  States  rule.  The 
officers  took  office  on  November  6th  which  happened  to  be  the 

25  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department  (Major  General  Commanding 
the  Army),  1899,  Pt.  2,  p.  125. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  MILITARY  REGIME  25 

anniversary  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Spanish  government.26 

Under  these  provisions  the  Republic  of  Negros  administered 
the  civil  affairs  subject  to  the  military  veto  of  the  governor. 
After  the  elections  conditions  returned  to  normal  and  it  is  said 
that  more  planting  was  done  that  year  than  any  time  during  the 
previous  twenty-five  years.  A  model  farm  under  the  auspices  of 
the  government  was  an  asset  to  the  public  treasury.  To  cam- 
paign against  locusts  and  rinderpest,  agricultural  societies  were 
organized  in  the  province.  Government  accounts  were  well 
audited  and  the  public  funds  well  guarded.  Gambling  was 
banned  and  cock-fighting  restricted  to  holidays.  The  system  of 
education  was  extended  from  the  halls  of  the  public  schools  to 
prisons  where  the  convicts  were  taught  certain  trades  while 
serving  their  term.  Municipal  governments,  instituted  under 
the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  restored  the  cities  to  sanitary 
conditions.  Furthermore  a  commission  was  created  to  adopt 
measures  to  alleviate  the  impending  famine  due  to  the  failure  of 
crops  from  drought. 

This  was  the  short-lived  Republic  of  Negros  which  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  authorities  in  Manila.  It  operated  smoothly 
until  the  Province  of  Occidental  Negros  was  established  on 
April  20,  1901,  upon  the  petition  of  the  citizens.27 

THE  MORO  PROBLEM 

Of  no  little  significance  to  the  establishment  of  law  and  order 
in  the  Philippines  was  the  subjection  of  the  Moros  to  the  govern- 
ment. During  the  entire  period  of  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the 
Philippines  the  Moros  maintained  their  own  kingdom  and  re- 
fused to  be  received  into  the  fold  of  civilization.  In  spite  of  the 
treaty  of  1878  with  Spain  in  which  the  Sultan  pledged  himself 
to  enforce  orderly  behavior  among  his  subjects,  pillage  and  sur- 
prise attacks  upon  sister  islands  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 

26  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1900,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  p.  252, 
Pt.  4,  p.  405,  Pt.  5,  p.  251. 

27  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXIII,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  1,  pp.  13,  14;  Act  No.  119  of  the  United  States  Philippine 
Commission. 


26  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

At  the  time  the  United  States  occupied  the  city  of  Manila,  the 
Moros  were  a  constant  menace  to  inter-island  trade. 

The  conditions  existing  at  the  time  were  destined  to  be  a  test 
of  American  temperament  on  the  one  hand  and  of  American 
good  will  and  diplomacy  on  the  other  in  the  matter  of  establish- 
ing peaceful  relations  with  the  unwilling  and  foreign  element  of 
the  Islands.  The  United  States  could  have  despatched  an  army 
to  the  south  and  taken  possession  of  the  vast  territory  by  force. 
The  military  governor,  however,  employed  amicable  means  under 
the  most  trying  conditions,  and  on  August  20,  1899,  General 
Bates  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu. 

Among  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  the  Sultan  acknowledged 
the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  conceding  to  it  the  right  to 
occupy  any  port  for  garrison  purposes.  The  Sultan  agreed  to 
lend  all  aid  in  the  suppression  of  piracy  by  bringing  those  en- 
gaged in  pillage  to  justice.  On  the  part  of  the  United  States 
she  agreed  to  refrain  from  adopting  drastic  measures  in  dealing 
with  the  subjects  of  the  Sultan.  The  rights  and  dignities  of  the 
Sultan  were  to  be  respected  and  there  was  to  be  no  interference 
in  their  religion  an<i  customs.  The  United  States  promised 
protection  to  the  Moros  in  case  of  foreign  aggression.  Inter- 
island  trade  could  be  carried  on  with  the  Moros  in  unlimited 
degree  provided  the  Moros  would  carry  their  goods  under  the 
American  flag.  Under  this  condition  their  goods  would  be  ex- 
empt from  duty.  Lastly,  the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  the 
Sultan  a  monthly  salary  of  $250  and  various  amounts  to  his 
datos.28 

The  President  of  the  United  States  approved  the  treaty  so 
concluded  by  General  Bates  except  article  ten  which  gave  the 
slaves  the  right  to  purchase  their  freedom.29 

The  days  that  followed  showed  that  the  Sultan  was  not  abiding 
by  the  terms  of  the  treaty.  This  resulted  in  the  abrogation  of 
the  covenant  on  March  21,  1904.  The  eleven  years  which  fol- 
lowed saw  the  Moros  busy  contending  with  the  Philippine  con- 

28  Senate  Documents,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  IX,  Document  No. 
136,  pp.  2,  26. 

«»  Annual  Beports  of  the  War  Department,  1903,  Vol.  V,  Pt.  1,  p.  492. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE  MILITARY  REGIME  27 

stabulary  and  with  the  United  States  army.  Finally,  on  March 
22,  1915,  the  Sultan  relinquished  his  sovereignty  and  finally 
acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States.  Thus  ended 
the  Moro  problem  which  was  a  constant  menace  to  peace  during 
the  last  three  hundred  years.  On  March  22,  1915,  began  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  the  Moro  people.  Since  then  not  a  drop  of 
blood  has  been  shed  or  a  single  shot  been  fired  in  the  land  where, 
in  previous  years,  slaughter  was  a  sacred  duty.30 

The  military  regime  from  1898-1901  is  significant  in  two  or 
three  respects.  First,  in  the  absence  of  congressional  legislation 
and  acting  solely  under  the  military  power  of  the  President,  the 
authority  of  the  Military  Governor  was  broad  and  all-inclusive. 
It  was  exercised  in  a  liberal  and  constructive  manner.  In  the 
midst  of  social  chaos  and  disorder  the  military  authority  through 
proclamations  and  general  orders  organized  a  system  of  educa- 
tion, established  municipal  governments  based  on  democratic 
principles,  instituted  a  system  of  courts,  and  most  important  of 
all  established  a  new  code  of  criminal  procedure.  The  provi- 
sional tariff  which  was  later  enacted  into  law  regulated  trade 
and  commerce  and  restricted  Chinese  immigration.  Public  hy- 
giene and  sanitation  were  entrusted  to  the  medical  corps  which 
conducted  a  campaign  against  disease  and  epidemics.  These 
were  not  all,  for  in  March,  1900,  the  Mining  Bureau  came  into 
life  to  be  followed  in  April  by  the  Bureau  of  Forestry.  Thus, 
under  military  authority,  the  general  welfare  of  the  Philippines 
received  the  much  needed  reform  and  stimulus. 

In  the  second  place,  from  another  standpoint,  there  is  one 
aspect  of  the  situation  which,  because  the  trait  has  been  wonder- 
fully maintained  to  the  present  day,  deserves  an  observation. 
The  Filipinos  showed  unbounded  eagerness  to  learn  and  to  co- 
operate in  the  execution  of  the  liberal  concessions  granted  to 
them.  In  the  thick  of  war  and  social  breakdown  Filipino  parents 
were  unusually  eager  to  see  their  children  educated,  crowding 
not  only  the  day  classes  but  also  the  night  schools.  Turning  to 
the  pages  of  their  record  in  municipal  administration,  it  is  found 

30  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1903,  Pt.  1,  pp.  489-542,  1904, 
Pt.  1,  p.  13,  Pt.  2,  pp.  572-594,  1915,  pp.  297  ff. 


23  SELF-GOVERNMENT 'IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

that  the  Filipinos  have  shown  extraordinary  fitness  for  the  re- 
sponsibility entrusted  to  them  by  the  authorities.  A  better 
indication  of  their  ability  in  times  of  crisis  was  the  experience 
of  Negros.  The  manner  in  which  the  islanders  maintained  law 
and  order  at  the  point  of  threats  and  dissensions  surprised  the 
military  authorities. 

Thirdly,  it  may  be  added  that  the  administration  of  Philip- 
pine affairs  has  been  established  on  a  responsible  basis.  Under 
the  American  administration  the  officials  in  charge  of  the  differ- 
ent branches  of  the  government  submitted  their  reports  not  to 
the  national  headquarters  in  Washington  but  to  the  Military 
Governor  or  Governor  General.  At  first  it  was  suggested  that 
the  various  executive  branches  of  the  Philippine  government  be 
subordinated  to  the  respective  departments  in  the  United  States. 
This  plan  was  especially  urged  with  respect  to  the  Department 
of  Public  Instruction.  Had  this  been  done  the  pages  of  Philip- 
pine history  would  have  had  a  different  story.  Alaska  represents 
an  irresponsible  type  of  territorial  administration.  The  local 
representatives  are  responsible  to  the  officials  at  Washington. 
This  type  of  colonial  administration  proved  a  failure  in  French 
Algeria.  The  heads  of  the  executive  departments  gave  an  ac- 
count of  their  offices  not  to  the  governor  o^Algeria  but  directly 
to  the  minister  of  the  French  Governme^B  flfe  system  was 
later  abolished.31  '  ^P 

It  can  not  be  questioned  that  the  military  r4?Ime  is  memorable 
for  its  liberality  and  kind  treatment.  Its  beginning  was  the 
beginning  of  the  establishment  of  the  civil  government  in  the 
Philippines.  The  United  States  troops  have  reason  to  be  proud 
of  their  pioneer  work  in  the  Philippines. 

3i  The  American  Historical  Beview,  Vol.  XXI,  p.  302. 


II 


LAWMAKING  POWER :   THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE 
PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE 

An  efficient  system  of  administration  does  not  always  insure 
the  satisfaction  of  the*  governed.  In  the  sphere  of  government 
the  principle  of  the  consent  of  the  governed  is  not  a  thing  to  be 
disregarded.  A  government  which  ignores  this  fundamental 
right  is  doomed  to  destruction.  History  has  shown  this  to  be  an 
invariable  truth,  and  Spain,  because  she  refused  to  recognize  this 
fact,  was  crushed  as  a  colonial  power  in  the  Far  East. 

In  popular  government  the  principle  that  the  government  de- 
rives its  power  from  the  consent  of  the  governed  comes  to  its 
fairest  realization  when  the  people  exercise  the  right  to  choose 
the  officers  who  shall  formulate  the  laws  to  rule  their  conduct. 
When  the  matter  is  considered  in  connection  with  a  subject  race 
the  franchise  has  a  far  reaching  significance.  To  exercise  it  is 
to  exercise  the  mo^Bacred  trust,  and  to  the  extent  and  manner 
it  is  used  theMairnmidedness  and  common  sense  of  a  people  are 
judged.  But  it  must  also  follow  that  lawmaking,  to  say  the 
least,  is  the  most  important  function  of  government,  since  it  is 
concerned  with  the  practical  and  every  day  aspects  of  human 
association.  ■— 

The  development  of  a  popular  legislature  in  the  Philippines 
and  the  extension  of  lawmaking  power  in  less  than  twenty  years 
is  the  American  achievement  that  surprised  the  world.  Because 
of  its  paramount  importance,  it  may  be  well  to  observe  the  sev- 
eral steps  which  led  to  the  realization  of  the  ^Philippine  legisla- 
ture, the  first  and  the  only  representative  assembly  in  the  Far 
East. 

THE  PHILIPPINE  COMMISSION 

The  concession  of  legislative  authority  to  Filipinos  was  a  grad- 

29 


30  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

ual  process.  It  may  be  divided  into  three  parts  or  stages.  The 
first  part  began  September  1,  1900,  when  the  United  States 
Philippine  Commission  assumed  the  legislative  functions  over 
the  Philippines.  October  16,  1907,  saw  the  beginning  of  the 
second  stage.  On  this  memorable  day  the  Philippine  Assembly, 
composed  of  Filipinos  popularly  elected,  was  inaugurated  as  the 
lower  house  of  the  Philippine  Legislature.  The  Philippine  Com- 
mission which  became  the  upper  house  was  composed  of  five 
Americans  and  three  Filipinos  appointed  by  the  President.  The 
third  stage  of  the  evolution  took  place  on  October  16,  1916,  when 
the  Philippine  Senate  composed  of  Filipinos  popularly  elected 
supplanted  the  appointive  American-Filipino  Commission.  Thus, 
it  is  seen  that  the  Philippine  Commission  was  the  first  lawmaking 
body  in  the  Philippines,  having  derived  its  ample  powers  from 
the  military  authority  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
Some  aspects  of  its  nature  and  powers  will  be  considered. 

Under  the  authority  conferred  upon  him  by  Congress  to  estab- 
lish civil  government  in  the  Philippines  until  further  legislation, 
the  President,  on  March  16,  1900,  created  the  United  States 
Philippine  Commission  composed  of  Wm.  H.  Taft,  chairman, 
Dean  C.  Worcester,  Luke  E.  Wright,  Henry  C.  Ide,  and  Bernard 
Moses.  Formal  instructions  which  embodied  the  powers  of  the 
Commission  were  issued  on  April  7,  1900.  The  Commission  re- 
ported for  duty  in  the  Philippines  early  in  the  spring,  and  after 
familiarizing  itself  with  the  conditions  in  the  islands  and  with 
the  work  which  the  military  authorities  had  so  nobly  begun,  the 
Commission  formally  announced  its  presence  and  purposes  in  the 
Islands  and  began  to  function  September  1,  1900.  An  essential 
feature  of  the  proclamation  was  the  provision  that  the  citizens 
of  the  Philippines  were  welcome  to  make  any  criticism  or  sug- 
gestion on  the  measures  under  consideration  by  the  Commission. 
Copies  of  the  bills  would  be  distributed  free  and  on  certain  days 
the  Commission  would  receive  such  criticisms  and  suggestions  as 
the  public  might  offer.  This  opportunity  for  discussion  was  a 
prerequisite  to  enactment  and  no  bill  was  to  be  finally  acted 
upon  until  ample  time  had  been  granted  for  suggestions.  The 
executive  authority  remained  under  military  control  until  the 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  31 

inauguration  of  Mr.  Taft  as  Civil  Governor  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  the  following  year.32 

The  President's  instruction  defined  the  order  in  which  the 
Commission  should  establish  civil  government  in  the  Islands. 
The  Commission  was  first  to  establish  municipalities  in  which 
Filipinos  "shall  be  afforded  the  opportunity  to  manage  their 
own  local  affairs  to  the  fullest  extent  of  which  they  are  capable, 
and  subject  to  the  least  degree  of  supervision  and  control". 
Political  training  in  local  affairs  and  then  larger  responsibilities 
in  provincial  affairs  and  ultimately  in  insular  matters  seem  to 
have  been  the  order  of  political  discipline  designed  for  the 
Filipinos.33 

July  4,  1901,  saw  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Taft  as  Civil  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Philippines.  On  that  same  day  President  McKinley 
proclaimed  peace  and  amnesty,  pardoning  all  those  who  had 
participated  in  the  insurrection.  But  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  Filipinos  the  most  notable  step  was  that  of  September  1, 
1901,  when  the  President  appointed  three  Filipinos  to  the 
Philippine,  Commission.  The  first  appointee  was  Dr.  T.  H. 
Pardo  de  Tavera,  a  former  president  of  the  Federal  Party  which 
advocated  early  peace  by  accepting  the  sovereignty  of  the  United 
States.  He  had  accompanied  the  Philippine  Commission  in  its 
tours  through  the  country.  The  second  man  appointed  was  Sr. 
Benito  Legarda  who  in  previous  years  had  rendered  valuable 
service  to  the  military  authority.  The  third  was  Sr.  Jose  Luzu- 
riaga  who  had  been  instrumental  in  establishing  the  short-lived 
Republic  of  Negros.34  These  three  Filipinos  were  the  first  to  be 
officially  honored  by  the  responsibility  of  formulating  the  policy 
for  their  country. 

The  Philippine  Commission,  while  acting  in  the  capacity  of  a 
legislative  body,  was  also  an  executive  board  since  it  acted  as  the 
cabinet  to  the  Civil  Governor.    By  executive  order  of  the  Presi- 

32  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  910 ;  Report  of  the 
Philippine  Commission,  1901,  pp.  19,  120,  121. 

33  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  1,  p.  55. 

34  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  1,  pp.  63,  64, 
Pt.  8,  pp.  16,  17,  Pt.  9,  p.  281. 


32  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

dent  the  Commission  passed  an  act  creating  four  executive  de- 
partments of  the  government,  and  these  were  assigned  to  the 
members  of  the  Commission  as  follows:  Department  of  Interior, 
Dean  C.  Worcester ;  Department  of  Commerce  and  Police,  Luke 
E.  Wright ;  Department  of  Finance  and  Justice,  Henry  C.  Ide ; 
Department  of  Public  Instruction,  Bernard  Moses.  As  chairman 
of  the  Commission  the  Governor  had  general  supervision  over 
these  departments,  the  civil  service  board,  and  the  municipal  and 
provincial  governments.35 

It  may  be  noted  that  the  heads  of  the  executive  departments 
were  chosen  from  the  American  members  of  the  Commission, 
consequently  each  of  these  men  was  drawing  two  salaries  —  as 
members  of  the  United  States  Philippine  Commission  and  as 
members  of  the  legislative  body  of  the  Philippines.  The  Civil 
Governor  had  an  aggregate  salary  of  $15,000  and  each  of  the 
American  members  $10,500.  The  Filipino  members  were  al- 
lowed their  share  in  the  appointments  on  the  various  com- 
mittees formed  in  the  Commission.  Out  of  fifteen  committees, 
the  Filipinos  held  the  chairmanship  in  six.  Mr.  Luzuriaga  was 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  agriculture  and  finance,  and  of 
the  one  on  banking  and  currency.  Mr.  Legarda  was  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  taxation  and  revenue.  Dr.  Tavera  was 
chairman  of  the  committees  on  health  and  on  municipal  and 
provincial  governments.  Some  one  of  these  men  sat  in  every 
other  committee  in  the  Commission.36 

Under  this  form  of  government  the  Filipinos  were  governed 
until  1907.  It  was  a  government  created  under  the  authority  of 
the  President  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy. 
The  concession  only  partially  satisfied  the  desires  and  aspirations 
of  the  Filipino  people  for  increased  participation  in  the  insular 
government.  In  the  years  from  1898  to  1901  Dewey's  victory  in 
Manila  Bay  seems  to  have  settled  down  as  an  historical  fact  and 
there  was  a  change  of  attitude  in  the  American  mind  toward  the 
Philippine  problem  which  may  be  noted  briefly  at  this  time. 

33  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  8,  p.  18 ;  Act 
No.  222  of  the  United  States  Philippine  Commission. 

36  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  8,  p.  19. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATUEE  33 

•  During  these  years  the  people  of  Luzon  were  reluctant  if  not 
unwilling  to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  United  States.  Im- 
perialistic politicians  in  America  drunk  with  the  triumph  of  the 
victories  of  Admiral  Dewey  in  Manila  Bay,  became  dazzled  with 
the  glory  and  power.  In  Congress  the  anti-imperialists  found  a 
strong  opposition  to  contend  with.  About  1900  when  the  memory 
of  the  havoc  and  terror  inflicted  by  the  dogs  of  war  had  faded 
from  the  public  mind  the  American  politicians  came  to  a  sober 
second  thought  and  the  amazing  and  staggering  data  of  the  war 
caused  a  change  of  attitude  toward  the  Philippine  problem. 
For  the  suppression  of  insurrections,  bush  warfare,  and  inter- 
mittent fighting  the  United  States  had  spent  the  staggering 
amount  of  $600,000,000  and  had  sacrificed  10,000  of  her  youths. 
Yet  peace  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  Philippines.  In  Cuba, 
American  soldiers  received  the  warm  friendship  of  the  Cubans; 
in  the  Philippines  the  Filipinos'  friendship  and  reverence  for 
their  ally  and  liberator  had  turned  into  hatred  and  enmity. 
The  empty  sleeves  and  wounds  which  returned  from  Cuba  were 
badges  of  honor;  those  which  came  back  from  the  battlefields  of 
the  Philippines  were  marks  of  antagonism  inflicted  by  a  people 
who  believed  they  were  duped.37  The  three  years,  1898-1901, 
which  wrought  decisive  changes  in  Cuba,  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  Cubans,  wrought  also  a  change  of  attitude  toward  the  Philip- 
pine question  in  the  United  States,  affecting  the  tone  of  ora- 
tions and  debates  on  the  burning  problem  of  the  period.  In 
1898  and  1899  the  lust  of  power  furnished  the  backbone  of  all 
the  speeches  that  maintained  that  the  American  flag  was  never 
to  be  hauled  down  in  the  Philippines;  in  1901  this  claim  van- 
ished like  a  cloud.  It  was  publicly  avowed  then  that  America 
must  enter  upon  the  novel  task  of  colonial  administration  on 
purely  humanitarian  grounds  and  must  act  as  the  schoolmaster 
in  the  Philippines.  This  was  the  change  which  the  years  had 
wrought  in  the  United  States,  but  a  large  army  had  to  be  main- 
tained in  the  Philippines  for  garrison  purposes.38 

The  attitude  of  the  Filipinos  toward  the  United  States  during 

37  See  the  account  of  Agninaldo-Pratt  Alliance  in  Chapter  VI,  below. 

38  See  Senator  Hoar 's  speech  in  the  Senate,  May  22,  1902. 


34  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

these  three  years  was  not  clear  to  the  authorities,  especially  to 
the  civil  officials.  Doubting  the  purposes  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Philippines,  the  Filipinos  had  naturally  grown  dis- 
trustful. Their  sad  experiences  with  unfulfilled  promises  in  the 
past  necessarily  made  them  suspicious  and  distrustful  of  any 
foreign  pledge.  Tired  of  autocracy  and  injustice  and  without 
faith  in  solemn  covenants,  the  Filipinos  were  inclined  to  question 
the  sincerity  of  the  official  proclamations.  During  the  Spanish 
rule  promises  were  seldom  fulfilled  and  now  that  that  regime 
was  ended  the  Filipinos  demanded  acts  rather  than  rosy  hopes 
derived  from  bright  promises.  It  was  this  dominant  skepticism 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  bush  fighters,  justified  dual  personality 
—  friends  of  the  American  administration  during  the  day  but 
enemies  during  the  night.  Under  the  circumstances  this  method 
of  warfare  was  the  last  recourse.  To  meet  the  American  army  in 
the  open  field  would  be  a  waste  of  life.  So,  rather  than  sacrifice 
human  life,  the  Filipinos  accepted  the  sovereignty  of  the  United 
States,  not  because  they  were  willing  but  because  it  was  wise. 
Between  February,  1899,  and  June,  1900,  10,700  Filipinos  were 
killed  in  battle,  2,104  were  wounded,  and  about  2,000  were  cap- 
tured, to  say  nothing  of  the  towns  and  provinces  which  were 
reduced  to  ashes.  To  the  military  authorities,  water  torture  was 
a  justifiable  and  mild  method  of  securing  confessions,  but  to  the 
Filipinos  it  was  a  loud  alarm  warning  them  of  the  coming  of 
another  autocracy.  The  very  thought  of  it  produced  a  deadly 
terror  in  the  population.  Rather  than  perish,  the  Filipinos  laid 
down  their  arms,  demanded  the  establishment  of  civil  govern- 
ment, and  above  all  a  definite  statement  of  policy  from  Con- 
gress.39 Strictly  speaking,  real  peace  was  not  established  in  the 
islands  until  1916  when  the  Jones  Law  granted  the  Filipinos 
full  control  of  their  legislature. 

THE  INAUGURATION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  ASSEMBLY 

On  July  1,  1902,  a  law  was  enacted  which  gave  the  Filipinos  a 

39  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1900,  Vol.  I,  pp.  342,  644;  Senate 
Documents,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXXVI,  Document  No.  435, 
p.  2,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XVI,  Document  No.  187,  p.  2. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATUBE  35 

feeling  of  partial  security.  The  law  "temporarily  to  provide 
for  the  administration  of  civil  affairs  in  the  Philippine  Islands 
and  for  other  purposes"  approved  all  the  acts  of  the  President. 
It  approved  the  creation  of  the  United  States  Philippine  Com- 
mission, the  establishment  of  the  Civil  Governor  as  the  chief 
executive,  and  the  organization  of  the  four  executive  departments 
and  bureaus.  But  the  provision  which  interested  the  Filipinos 
most  was  that  which  established  the  Philippine  Assembly  or 
lower  house  composed  of  Filipinos  elected  by  popular  vote.  The 
concession  was  conditional.  Peace  must  exist  in  the  Islands  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  Philippine  Commission  which  would  certi- 
fy the  same  to  the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  President 
would  then  order  the  census  to  be  taken  and  if  peace  continued 
for  two  years  after  the  publication  of  the  census,  the  President, 
upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Commission,  would  order  the 
general  election  of  the  delegates  to  the  Philippine  Assembly. 
These  conditions  were  satisfied  and  the  general  election  was 
called  for  July  30,  1907.40 

The  electorate  was  composed  of  all  male  residents  at  least  23 
years  of  age  not  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  power,  who 
had  resided  in  the  municipality  where  the  vote  was  to  be  cast  at 
least  six  months  immediately  preceding  the  election.  In  addi- 
tion to  these,  each  voter  must  belong  to  at  least  one  of  the  fol- 
lowing classes:  a  municipal  captain,  gpbernadorcillo,  alcalde, 
lieutenant,  cabeza  de  barangay,  or  member  of  the  ayuntamiento, 
prior  to  August  13,  1898;  a  holder  of  real  property  valued  at 
500  pesos ;  or  pay  a  tax  to  the  amount  of  ,30  pesos ;  or  speak, 
write,v  and  read^  English  and  Spanish^  Those  specifically  dis- 
qualified from  voting  were :  delinquent  tax  payers  since  August 
13,  1898;  violators  of  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States; 
those  who  rose  against  the  United  States  May  1,  1898,  or  there- 
after ;  those  who  since  March  31,  1901,  had  lent  aid  to  agitators 

*o  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  10,  p.  617, 
1902,  Vol.  10,  Pt.  1,  p.  5;  United  States  Compiled  Statutes,  1918,  See.  3804; 
United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXII,  Pt.  1,  pp.  693,  694,  1059; 
Official  Gazette,  February  13,  1907,  pp.  109,  110,  April  10,  1907,  pp.  234, 
235,  236. 


36 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


against  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States ;  the  insane  and  the 
feeble-minded.41 

Thirty-five  provinces  held  the  general  election  on  July  30, 
1907.  Of  the  104,966  who  registered  100,493  actually  voted. 
The  lack  of  interest  in  public  affairs  which  these  figures  showed 
aroused  many  serious  criticisms  of  the  concession  which  Congress 
had  made  to  the  Filipinos.  In  the  provincial  elections  in  1903 
109,444  voted  out  of  the  151,277  who  were  qualified  to  vote,  and 
in  1905,  130,000  polled  their  votes  out  of  143,000  who  registered. 
The  difference  in  figures  may  be  attributed  to  the  difference  in 
the  period  of  registration.  Whereas  in  1905  the  registration 
period  was  fifteen  days,  in  1907  it  was  only  four  days,  and  many 
careless  or  indifferent  electors  failed  to  register  in  time.  In  the 
provincial  and  municipal  election  in  November,  1907,  161,697 
actually  voted  out  of  171,642  who  registered.42 

The  law  provided  that  the  delegates  to  the  Assembly  must  rec- 
ognize the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  and  be  at  least  25 
years  of  age.  Eighty-one  delegates  were  elected,  representing  the 
few  political  factions  and  parties  which  existed  at  that  time: 
Nacionalista,  32;  Progresista,  17;  Inmediatista,  7;  Independista, 
4 ;  20  who  claimed  no  party  affiliations ;  and  one  candidate  repre- 
senting the  Roman  Catholic  church.  Of  the  eighty-one  ten  were 
between  25  and  30  years  of  age  and  a  few  were  over  forty.  More 
than  half  of  the  total  number  were  attorneys,  thirteen  were 
journalists,  eight  professors,  nine  governors,  under  the  American 
rule,  and  about  half  had  held  office  in  the  revolutionary  govern- 
ment. Thirty-six  had  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  and  almost 
all  had  been  to  college.  Six  had  had  the  privilege  of  travel  in 
the  United  States,  one  —  Emilio  Gala  —  being  an  alumnus  of  the 
Law  College  of  the  University  of  Michigan.  Two  had  studied  in 
Spain.     All  but  ten  were  property  holders.     Three  had  been 

4i  Official  Gazette,  February  13,  1907,  pp.  114,  117. 

«  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1906,  Pt.  1,  p.  156,  1908,  Pt.  1, 
pp.  85,  86;  Ide's  The  Philippine  Assembly  in  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIII, 
p.  600;  The  Outlook,  Vol.  LXXXVIII,  p.  175. 

The  delegates  to  the  Assembly  were  apportioned  as  follows:  Albay  3, 
Ambos  Camarines  3,  Antique  1,  Bataan  1,  Batangas  3,  Bohol  3,  Bulacan  2, 
Cagayan  2,  Capiz  3,  Cavite  1,  Cebu  7,  Hocos  Norte  2,  Ilocos  Sur  3,  Hoilo  5, 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  37 

defendants  before  the  criminal  courts,  Dr.  Dominador  Gomez 
being  the  most  famous.43 

Mr.  Taft,  then  Secretary  of  War,  came  to  the  Philippines  and 
with  all  due  ceremonials  opened  the  Philippine  Assembly. 

For  many  peoples  the  development  of  representative  govern- 
ment has  been  the  product  of  hundreds  of  years  of  trial  and 
arduous  preparation.  The  Filipinos  secured  it  in  nine  short 
years.  The  call  of  Governor  Smith  for  the  election  of  the  dele- 
gates to  the  Philippine  Assembly  marked  an  epoch  in  the  history 
of  colonial  administration.  The  Filipinos'  capacity  for  self- 
government  and  the  unprecedented  policy  of  the  United  States 
were  given  a  crucial  test.  The  day  determined  once  for  all  that 
the  United  States  must  remain  in  the  Philippines  until  the  task 
so  well  begun  was  finished.  The  call  for  the  election  surprised 
America  itself  and  astonished  the  whole  of  Europe.  It  was  the 
verdict  of  the  first  nine  years  of  American  rule. 

The  receipt  of  the  President's  order  for  a  general  election  of 
the  delegates  to  the  first  Filipino  Assembly  gave  universal  satis- 
faction in  the  Islands.  A  Filipino  daily  had  this  headline: 
"Conservative  Filipinos  see  the  Fruit  of  their  Patience  and 
Labor  for  Peace  in  their  Country".44  Prospective  candidates, 
anxious  to  fulfil  the  residence  requirements,  hastily  vacated  Ma- 
nila and  started  campaigns  in  their  respective  provinces.  The 
country  was  divided  on  two  main  issues  —  immediate  independ- 
ence or  independence  later  after  due  preparation.  The  Nacion- 
alistas  wished  the  immediate  freedom  of  the  Philippines  from 

Isabela  1,  La  Laguna  2,  La  Union  2,  Leyte  4,  Manila  2,  Mindoro  1, 
Misamis  2,  Nueva  Ecija  1,  Occidental  Negros  3,  Oriental  Negros  2,  Palawan 
1,  Pampanga  2,  Pangasinan  5,  Rizal  2,  Romblon  1,  Samar  3,  Sorsogon  2, 
Surigao,  1,  Tayabas  2,  Zambales  1.  Total  81,  one  delegate  for  every  90,000 
population  or  major  fraction  thereof. —  Official  Gazette,  February  13,  1907, 
pp.  110,  111. 

43  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXII,  Pt.  1,  p.  694,  amended 
by  Act  No.  2045,  Sec.  7,  of  the  Philippine  Legislature;  The  American  Re- 
view of  Reviews,  Vol.  XXXIX,  p.  357;  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIV,  p. 
357;  The  Outlook,  Vol.  LXXXVIII,  pp.  175  ff.;  The  World  To-Day,  Vol. 
XV,  p.  848. 

44  The  Cablenews-American,  March  31,  1907,  p.  1. 


38  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

the  United  States  while  the  Progresistas  were  for  training  and 
education  first  eventually  leading  to  the  same  happy  end.  Two 
leading  candidates  stand  out  most  prominently  in  the  campaign. 
Dr.  Dominador  Gomez,  a  Spaniard  and  the  most  eloquent  orator 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  Philippines,  ran  on  the  Nacionalista 
ticket,  while  Juan  Sumulong  on  the  Nacional  Progresista  plat- 
form was  his  opponent.  Since  the  record  of  Dr.  Gomez  later 
became  the  object  of  criticism,  it  should  be  noted  here.  He  was 
the  first  president  of  the  Workingmen's  Union  in  the  Philip- 
pines. In  1903  he  was  arrested  on  the  charge  of  misappropri- 
ating the  funds  of  the  Union  and  for  giving  aid  to  the  insurgents. 
He  was  sentenced  to  twenty -six  months'  imprisonment.  Again 
in  1904  he  was  tried  for  treason  but  was  acquitted  for  lack  of 
evidence.  While  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  Assembly  he  under- 
took to  secure  the  surrender  of  some  noted  outlaws  of  whom 
Montalon  and  Sakay  were  the  most  famous,  promising  them  light 
punishment.45  In  a  straw  ballot  taken  by  the  El  Benacimiento 
Dr.  Gomez  was  voted  the  most  popular,  most  sincere,  and  ablest 
of  the  delegates,  and  Dr.  Tavera  the  most  astute. 

All  the  candidates  who  ran  for  office  were  self-nominated.  The 
enthusiasm  displayed  in  these  first  political  campaigns  became  a 
matter  of  grave  concern  both  to  the  anti-imperialists  and  the 
imperialists  in  the  United  States  and  in  the  Philippines.  Those 
who  favored  the  retention  of  the  Philippine  Islands  entertained 
the  fear  lest  the  concession  should  prove  premature.  The  antis 
expressed  grave  doubts  as  to  the  ability  of  the  Filipinos  to  main- 
tain popular  government. 

The  American  population  in  Manila  took  a  non-partisan  atti- 
tude towards  the  election,  but  did  not  remain  away  from  the 
polls.  In  a  non-partisan  convention  called  by  the  American 
population  of  Manila,  Americans  and  Filipinos  heard  the  planks 
of  each  party  from  the  candidates  themselves.  The  purpose  of 
the  convention  was  to  determine  for  which  candidate  the  Amer- 
icans should  cast  their  votes.  Their  choice  was  easily  made. 
Election  day  brought  this  glaring  poster:  "Cast  your  vote  for 
The  American  People's  Candidate  who  has  a  sound  Common 

45  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIII,  p.  303. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  39 

Sense  Platform.  We  do  not  ask  for  electric,  urgent  or  immediate 
Independence  but  Willingly  Wait  Until  Uncle  Sam  Sees  Fit  to 
Grant  It.    Your  Vote  Will  Be  Appreciated '  \46 

The  Catholic  party  entered  politics  and  boosted  for  its  candi- 
date on  purely  orthodox  arguments.  The  friar  element  advo- 
cated state  religion  and  a  parochial  school  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Insular  government.47 

After  the  election,  forecasts  of  the  coming  Philippine  Assem- 
bly began  to  come.  According  to  the  Washington  Star  the  can- 
didates for  the  Assembly  were  unfit  for  the  office.  In  the  opinion 
of  Senator  Albert  J.  Beveridge  of  Indiana,  the  Philippine  As- 
sembly was  doomed  to  signal  failure.  The  Senator  was  opposed 
to  America  leaving  the  islands  for  his  motto  was  "What  we  have, 
we  hold ;  and  where  we  are,  we  stay. ' '  James  Bryce  supported 
the  grant  of  the  Assembly  as  legitimate.48 

While  the  concession  to  the  Filipinos  found  ardent  supporters 
in  the  United  States  who  believed  that  such  a  grant  should  be 
made  as  of  right,  the  American  people  were  furnished  sufficient 
evidence  to  make  them  question  the  wisdom  of  the  concession. 
First,  the  small  number  of  voters  who  participated  in  the  elec- 
tion aroused  grave  doubts  as  to  whether  the  Filipinos  had  devel- 
oped interest  in  public  affairs.  It  gave  rise  to  many  comments 
on  the  ability  of  the  Filipinos  to  govern  themselves.  Many 
Americans  thought  that  the  Filipinos  did  not  yet  understand 
even  the  elementary  duties  of  citizenship.  Manila,  a  city  of 
240,000  population  and  supposedly  the  most  civilized  portion  of 
the  whole  archipelago,  cast  a  meagre  vote  of  7,902  —  856  of  which 
were  American  votes.  It  was  supposed  that  the  failure  of  many 
electors  to  provide  themselves  with  cedulas,  or  poll  tax  receipts, 
did  much  to  reduce  the  registration,  which  was  further  reduced 
by  the  fact  that  the  registration  period  was  only  four  days. 

<«  The  Cablenews-American,  March  28,  1907,  p.  4,  May  1,  1907,  p.  4,  May 
21,  1907,  p.  8,  June  6,  1907,  p.  1,  June  7,  1907,  p.  4,  June  8,  1907,  p.  4, 
June  20,  1907,  p.  5,  June  25,  1907,  pp.  1,  5,  July  30,  1907,  p.  5. 

47  The  Cablenews-American,  June  19,  1907,  p.  3,  June  22,  1907,  p.  4, 
June  25,  1907,  p.  4,  June  28,  1907,  p.  4,  July  3,  1907,  p.  4. 

«  The  Cablenews-American,  June  1,  1907,  pp.  1,  5,  June  2,  1907,  p.  3. 


40  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

The  second  argument  against  the  political  grant  was  the  elec- 
tion of  Dr.  Gomez.  It  was  felt  that  this  choice  indicated  poor 
judgment  on  the  part  of  the  electorate.  His  election  was  as- 
sailed in  the  United  States,  embittered  many  of  the  Filipinos' 
ardent  supporters,  and  "dreadfully  disappointed"  the  authori- 
ties at  Washington,  especially  Mr.  Taft  who,  in  the  face  of  oppo- 
sition, had  made  every  effort  to  have  the  Philippine  Assembly 
provision  adopted.  The  subject  furnished  a  target  for  American 
editors  who  flayed  the  policy  of  the  United  States  in  the  Philip- 
pines. It  appeared  that  the  Filipinos'  strong  hope  for  self- 
government  counted  for  naught  and  further  efforts  to  attain  it 
would  be  futile.  The  Philippine  Commission  was  not  a  little  dis- 
appointed in  the  outcome  of  the  election.  When  approached  by 
some  prominent  Filipinos  regarding  the  question  of  independence 
a  commissioner  said :  ' '  You  have  no  more  chance  to  secure  inde- 
pendence in  the  near  future  than  a  snowball  has  to  grow  fat  in 
hell."49 

It  is  difficult  to  explain  why,  in  spite  of  his  prison  record,  Dr. 
Gomez  was  elected  to  the  Assembly.  It  is  not  charged  that  he 
secured  the  election  by  dishonest  means.  He  was  recognized  as 
the  most  eloquent  and  convincing  orator  in  the  Islands  and  this 
asset  alone  counted  for  something  among  a  people  who  have  a 
special  passion  for  oratory.  Under  no  circumstances  could  it  be 
asserted  that  the  electorate  approved  of  the  conduct  which  sent 
him  to  prison.  Dr.  Gomez'  case  was  an  example  of  what  popu- 
larity may  do  in  the  world  of  polities.  He  was  also  considered 
as  a  bold  and  patriotic  man  who  defied  injustice  and  wrong 
against  his  country.  The  common  people,  little  informed  of  the 
seriousness  of  the  charges  against  him,  had  a  sort  of  reverence 
for  Dr.  Gomez  as  they  would  have  for  a  hero.  Partly  because  of 
the  prevailing  suspicion  of  the  American  rule,  his  fame  seems  to 
have  worked  a  miracle  in  the  mind  of  the  electorate.  The  high 
tide  of  popularity  sent  Dr.  Gomez  to  the  Philippine  Assembly, 
but  by  a  vote  of  40  to  35  he  was  unseated.50 

Upon  the  inauguration  of  the  Philippine  Assembly,  October 

49  The  Cableneu'8-American,  August  16,  1907,  p.  4. 
so  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIV,  p.  388. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  £± 

16,  1907,  public  discussion  of  the  situation  was  renewed.  In  the 
United  States,  gloomy  forecasts  for  the  Philippine  lawmaking 
body  became  gloomier  when  it  was  learned  that  Mr.  Root,  Secre- 
tary of  War,  would  rather  see  the  Filipinos  in  full  control  of 
their  municipal  and  provincial  governments  than  to  grant  them 
the  privilege  of  a  legislative  assembly.  Some  considered  the 
concession  premature,  others  approved  it,  and  some  believed  that 
more  could  have  been  granted.  At  all  events  those  who  contend- 
ed against  the  Assembly  concentrated  their  argument  on  the 
election  of  Dr.  Gomez.51 

In  the  Philippines  opposition  and  ridicule  of  the  coming  As- 
sembly came  from  the  American  population  while  the  opposing 
parties  remained  more  or  less  silent  though  sometimes  their 
satisfaction  was  over-shadowed  by  doubt.  The  American  ele- 
ment thought  that  the  Assembly  would  be  the  organ  of  insur- 
rection in  the  Islands  and  they  watehed  every  step  in  the  course 
of  legislation.  When  Guerero  introduced  a  bill  permitting  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  to  bear  arms,  the  American  papers 
thought  another  insurrection  was  looming  in  the  near  horizon. 
The  Cablenews,  an  American  daily  newspaper  in  Manila,  printed 
the  "Song  of  the  Assembly",  the  chorus  of  which  was  as  follows : 

How'd  you  like  to  have  the  place? 

How'd  you  like  to  bear  the  mace? 
How'd  you  like  to  dodge  about  between  the  bolo  and  the  kriss? 

How'd  you  like  to  see  them  gloat 

As  they  cut  each  other's  throat? 
How'd  you  like  to  be  the  sergeant  who  will  have  to  keep  the  peace?52 

In  like  manner  the  same  paper  made  a  version  of  Chapter 
XIX,  verses  32,  41,  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  which  describes 
the  hopeless  chaos  in  the  congregation  since  some  cried  one  thing 
and  others  cried  another,  but  because  their  cries  were  not  heeded, 
they  sat  down  and  remained  quiet.  The  Philippine  Assembly, 
it  was  claimed,  would  quarrel  over  the  question  of  independence, 

siBeport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1907,  Pt.  1,  p.  224;  Elliot's  The 
Philippines,  Vol.  II,  preface  and  p.  11;  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIII,  p. 
354;  The  Outlook,  Vol.  LXXXVII,  pp.  363,  364,  879. 

52  The  Cablenews- American,  September  6,  1907,  p.  4. 


42  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

« 
but  because  the  delegates  could  not  secure  an  audience  with  the 

authorities  in  Washington  they  would  ultimately  restore  order. 
The  Protestant  church  would  place  evangelization  first  and  polit- 
ical concession  second.53 

To  the  Filipino  people  the  inauguration  of  the  Philippine 
Assembly  was  the  crowning  achievement  of  a  century's  struggle 
against  the  oppressive  yoke  of  autocracy  and  injustice.  The 
inauguration  laid  the  corner  stone  of  Filipino  liberty.  It  was 
the  reward  of  bitter  tears  and  bloodshed  at  the  hands  of  the 
executioner.  Furthermore,  the  opening  of  the  Assembly  en- 
couraged well  directed  effort  and  conscientious  labor  for  com- 
plete freedom.  It  strengthened  Filipino  nationality  to  an  extent 
which  the  people  never  experienced  before.  It  was  a  liberal 
concession,  the  Filipino  press  acknowledged,  and  made  the  Fili- 
pino race  a  debtor  to  American  statesmanship.54  Sergio  Osmeiia, 
who  has  been  the  speaker  of  the  lower  house  since  1907,  com- 
mented on  the  inauguration  of  the  Philippine  Assembly  in  the 
following  words: 

The  inauguration  of  the  Philippine  Assembly  marks  an  epoch  in  the 
history  of  dependencies  and  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Philippines. 
The  peace  which  preceded  the  inauguration  was  due  to  the  expectation  of 
the  people  to  see  this  body  instituted.  The  inauguration  of  the  assembly 
abolished  all  opposition  to  the  United  States  government  and  cleared  off  the 
prevalent  doubt  as  to  what  really  the  United  States  policy  was.55 

SPECIAL  POWERS  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  COMMISSION 

Upon  the  institution  of  the  Philippine  Assembly  the  United 
States  Philippine  Commission,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been 
the  entire  legislative  body,  evolved  into  the  upper  house  or  Sen- 
ate. Its  organization  was  not  affected  in  any  way  and  it  main- 
tained the  privilege  of  initiating  measures,  to  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  Assembly.  The  three  Filipinos  in  the  Commission  re- 
tained their  seats  among  the  five  Americans  but  they  had  no 

«3  The  Cablenewg-American,  September  13,  1907,  p.  4,  October  10,  1907, 
p.  1. 

54  Editorial  in  El  Ideal  (Iloilo),  quoted  in  the  Cablenews- American,  Octo- 
ber 25,  1907,  p.  3. 

55  The  Outlook,  Vol.  LXXXVIII,  p.  179. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE 


43 


executive  portfolios.  The  Civil  Governor  was  the  chairman  of 
the  Commission  but  had  no  veto. 

There  were  two  things  which  the  Assembly  wished  to  over- 
come with  respect  to  its  relation  with  the  Commission.  First, 
the  fact  that  the  Commission,  appointed  by  the  President,  could 
stand  in  the  way  of  progress  of  the  Filipino  people.  Further- 
more, the  Filipino  members  constituted  a  hopeless  minority 
having  no  influence  in  the  body  by  virtue  of  their  more  or  less 
honorary  office.  To  the  Assembly  the  Commission  was  an  ob- 
struction, machinery  set  up  beside  it  as  a  check  on  its  authority. 
Undoubtedly  this  was  the  purpose  of  the  retention  of  the  Com- 
mission. Only  one  way  to  counteract  this  power  was  open:  to 
secure  a  Filipino  majority  in  the  Commission. 

It  is  not  recorded  what  direct  means  were  employed  to  secure 
the  majority  desired,  but  on  May  11,  1908,  scarcely  one  year 
after  the  election  of  the  first  delegates,  Congress  passed  an  act 
creating  a  new  executive  department  and  adding  the  fourth 
Filipino  to  the  Commission.  Gregorio  Araneta,  Attorney  Gen- 
eral of  the  Philippine  Islands,  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
Finance  and  Justice  and  to  fill  the  vacancy  thus  created  in  the 
Commission,  Rafael  Palma  was  selected.  This  act  is  of  signifi- 
cance in  that  it  marked  the  entrance  of  Filipinos  into  executive 
responsibility  under  the  American  rule.  Thus  there  were  four 
Filipinos  and  five  Americans  in  the  upper  house.  The  Demo- 
cratic victory  in  1912  brought  the  fifth  Filipino  to  the  Com- 
mission. In  1913  President  Wilson  appointed  Victorino  Mapa 
to  the  Commission,  giving  it  a  membership  of  five  Filipinos  and 
four  Americans.  This  number  was  retained  until  1916.56  With 
the  Assembly  composed  of  Filipinos  and  the  Commission  con- 
trolled by  them,  and  with  the  Civil  Governor  without  any  veto 
power,  the  American  control  over  legislation  was  reduced  to 
practically  nil.  The  Governor  could  exercise  control  by  recom- 
mending the  removal  of  Filipino  Commissioners. 

56  Annual  Reports  of  the  War  Department,  1901,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  1,  pp.  63,  64, 
1908,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  5,  1914,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  3.  See  Harrison's  message  to  the 
Philippine  Legislature,  October  6,  1913,  and  the  President's  message  to 
Congress,  December  2,  1913. 


44  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

The  removal  of  exclusive  power  of  the  Philippine  Commission 
to  originate  the  budget  constituted  the  second  objective  of  the 
Assembly.  Appropriation  bills  did  not  originate  in  the  Assem- 
bly but  in  the  American-Filipino  Senate,  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  The  organic  law  further  provided 
that,  in  case  of  deadlock  on  the  budget,  the  appropriations  for 
the  past  year  would,  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Governor 
General,57  be  the  budget  for  the  ensuing  year. 

The  other  exclusive  power  conferred  upon  the  Commission  by 
the  organic  act  was  the  jurisdiction  over  the  non-Christian  tribes 
which  occupied  about  one-third  of  the  area  of  the  Philippines. 

The  effect  of  the  fifth  Filipino  on  the  work  of  the  Commission 
in  1913  was  observed  with  interest.  The  new  American  mem- 
bers of  the  Commission  did  not  arrive  in  Manila  until  the  session 
had  well  started  in  its  business.  At  this  session  the  Commission 
proposed  103  bills,  a  number  which  had  never  been  reached  in 
previous  years.  The  following  statistics58  show  the  work  of  the 
Assembly  in  conjunction  with  the  American-Filipino  Senate : 

1910  1911    1912    1913 
to      to      to     to 

1911  1912  1913  1914 

Bills  introduced  in  the  Commission 63  69  71  103 

Bills  passed  by  the  Commission 48  52  61  69 

Commission  bills  enacted  by  the  Legislature     17  17  18  50 

Bills  introduced  in  the  Assembly 484  518  421  398 

Bills  passed  by  the  Assembly 98  181  131  169 

Assembly  bills  enacted  by  the  Legislature.  .33  69  51  51 
Per  cent  of  Commission  bills  enacted  by  the 

Legislature    35  25  30  72 

Per  cent  of  Assembly  bills  enacted  by  the 

Legislature     34  38  39  30 

Per  cent  of  total  number  of  bills  passed  by 

either  house  enacted  by  the  Legislature..     34  37  36  42 

It  appears  that  the  addition  of  the  fifth  Filipino  to  the  Com- 
mission stimulated  harmony  and  cooperation  between  the  two 

57  The  Cooper  Act  of  1905  changed  the  title  of  the  Civil  Governor  to 
Governor  General. 

68  Speeches  of  Manuel  Quezon  in  the  House  of  Bepresentatives,  September 
26  to  October  14,  1914. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  45 

houses  as  evidenced  by  the  Commission  bills  which  the  Assembly 
approved.  This  was  72  per  cent  of  the  Commission  bills  as 
against  35,  25,  and  30  per  cent  in  previous  years.  More  than 
that  the  deadlock  on  the  budget  which  the  Legislature  experi- 
enced during  the  three  years  preceding  the  appointment  of  the 
fifth  Filipino  has  been  overcome.  The  unfortunate  discord  due 
to  the  failure  to  pass  the  annual  appropriation  bill  has  been 
supplanted  by  a  spirit  of  cooperation. 

THE  WORK  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  ASSEMBLY 

Amidst  discouraging  predictions  that  it  would  fail,  the  first 
Philippine  Assembly  met  on  October  16,  1907,  to  enter  upon  its 
most  exacting  task.  On  that  day  the  Philippine  Legislature 
passed  a  joint  resolution  expressing  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  the  "profound  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  high 
appreciation  of  the  signal  concession  made  to  the  people  of  the 
islands  of  participating  directly  in  the  making  of  the  laws  which 
shall  govern  them."59 

Those  who  ridiculed  the  Philippine  Assembly  and  made  gloomy 
forecasts  of  its  future  found  disappointment  in  the  initial  re- 
sults. During  the  inaugural  session  and  the  special  session 
which  extended  from  October  16,  1907,  to  August  22,  1908, 
seventy-eight  laws  were  enacted.  Eight  of  these  concerned  the 
non-Christian  tribes  and  were,  therefore,  the  exclusive  enact- 
ments of  the  Commission.60  As  far  as  volume  of  legislation  is 
concerned  the  Philippine  Assembly  did  not  come  up  to  what 
might  have  been  expected.  But  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  Philippine  Commission  had  been  legislating  since  1901,  hav- 
ing passed  1800  laws.  Furthermore,  the  Civil  Code,  the  Penal 
Code,  and  the  Commercial  Code  of  Spain  were  retained  in  force, 
thus  saving  the  Assembly  an  enormous  task  of  legislation. 

The  legislation  of  this  session  reveals  some  features  which  cast 
a  favorable  light  upon  the  much  doubted  delegates.  The  first 
act  passed  was  an  appropriation  of  1,000,000  pesos  for  the  con- 

59  Official  Gazette,  November  6,  1907,  p.  778. 

so  Acts  No.  1808,  1816,  1817,  1822,  1823,  1876,  1877,  1878,  of  the  United 
States  Philippine  Commission. 


4g  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

struction  of  schools  in  rural  districts.81  This  act  was  followed 
by  another  providing  ' '  for  popular  civico-educational  lectures  in 
the  municipalities  and  principally  in  the  barrios  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands."  The  Director  of  Education  was  to  supervise 
these  lectures  which  were  to  deal  with  ' '  the  rights  and  duties  of 
a  citizen,  the  Municipal  Code  and  the  Provincial  Government 
Act,  the  organization  of  the  central  government,  of  knowledge 
or  popular  notions  of  certain  common  crimes  and  of  any  laws 
which  are  important  in  the  judgment  of  the  Director  of  Educa- 
tion, as  well  as  of  industry  and  commerce,  especially  the  mining 
industry,  manufacturing,  and  the  breeding  and  care  of  stock, 
and  the  care  and  irrigation  of  plants  and  trees ;  and  in  addition, 
of  a  varied  knowledge  of  geography  and  history."62 

For  the  better  instruction  of  municipal  teachers,  the  legisla- 
ture appropriated  25,000  pesos.  The  teachers  were  to  be  selected 
from  all  over  the  country  to  attend  the  special  classes  in  Manila. 
One  act  set  aside  75,000  pesos  for  the  compensation  of  teachers 
in  barrio  schools.63  The  general  appropriation  for  1908  allowed 
3,000,000  pesos  for  the  Bureau  of  Education  and  145,000  pesos 
for  the  Philippine  Medical  School.64  In  harmony  with  the  law 
extending  public  schools  into  rural  districts,  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral was  authorized  to  convey  insular  property  to  provinces  and 
municipalities  to  be  used  for  public  school  purposes.65  For  the 
general  education  of  the  public  the  Legislature  created  the  Phil- 
ippine Public  Library  for  which  the  sum  of  4,000  pesos  was  set 
aside.66  A  bill  framed  and  introduced  by  the  Secretary  of 
Public  Instruction  provided  for  the  establishment  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  the  Philippines.  It  passed  the  Assembly  without 
amendment  and  on  June  18,  1908,  the  university  was  inaugu- 
rated, modeled  after  the  American  plan.67    Thus,  of  the  seventy- 

«i  Act  No.  1801  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

62  Act  No.  1829,  Sec.  3,  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

63  Acts  No.  1857,  1866  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 
6*  Act  No.  1873  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

65  Act  No.  1813  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

66  Act  No.  1849  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

67  Act  No.  1870  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  47 

eight  laws  which  the  legislature  had  passed,  eight  concerned 
public  education.  It  is  a  notable  feature  of  the  legislation  which 
speaks  for  itself. 

Another  special  feature  of  the  legislation  was  the  act  which 
created  the  Agricultural  Bank  of  the  Philippines,  for  which  the 
sum  of  1,000,000  pesos  was  appropriated.  While  the  bank  re- 
ceived deposits  from  all  sources,  its  loans  must  be  confined  to  the 
development  of  agriculture.  Hence  no  loan  could  be  made  but 
to  persons  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.88  For  the  extension 
of  irrigation  systems  an  annual  sum  of  750,000  pesos  was  set 
aside.  In  order  to  prevent  the  recurring  epidemics  which  took 
away  so  many  of  the  draft  animals,  the  Legislature  appropriated 
the  sum  of  100,000  pesos.  The  sum  of  150,000  pesos  was  set 
aside  for  the  purchase  of  land  for  quarantine  purposes.69 

There  were  other  acts  which  concerned  public  improvements, 
such  as  granting  franchises  to  public  utilities.  The  Employers' 
Liability  Act  passed  in  this  session  proves  that  modern  methods 
of  handling  industrial  problems  had  been  adopted.  The  act 
applied  to  all  workers,  except  agricultural  and  domestic  em- 
ployees, and  gave  them  the  right  to  sue  a  negligent  employer  for 
damages  not  to  exceed  2,500  pesos.70 

Aside  from  the  bitter  fight  on  the  removal  of  Dr.  Gomez,  no 
significant  debates  which  delayed  legislative  action  took  place. 
The  act  raising  the  per  diem  salary  of  the  delegates  to  thirty 
pesos71  aroused  some  opposition.  Another  act  which  met  con- 
siderable opposition  was  that  which  appropriated  $17,000  for 
the  salary  and  expenses  of  a  delegate  to  the  International  Con- 
ference on  Navigation  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  opposition  was 
based  on  the  assertion  that  the  delegate  could  not  reach  the  city 
in  time.72 

The  signal  success  of  the  Legislature  was  a  stimulus  to  foreign 
interests  in  the  Philippines.    About  this  time  commercial  organ- 

•«  Act  No.  1865  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

6»  Acts  No.  1827,  1854,  1855,  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

to  Act  No.  1874  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

ti  Act  No.  1803  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

72  Act  No.  1820  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 


48  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

izations  in  Manila,  of  which  the  Manila  Merchants'  Association 
was  the  principal,  commissioned  Mrs.  Martin  Egan  to  visit  the 
United  States  to  advertise  the  commercial  and  industrial  pros- 
pects of  the  Philippines  in  particular,  and  in  general  to  help 
the  American  people  realize  what  was  being  done  in  the  Philip- 
pines. Mrs.  Egan  took  with  her  letters  from  Americans  and 
Filipinos  engaged  in  business  in  the  Philippines.  President 
Eoosevelt  endorsed  all  the  articles  and  the  purposes  of  the 
mission.73 

RESIDENT  COMMISSIONERS  IN  WASHINGTON 

The  organic  act  of  July  1,  1902,  provides  that  at  the  first 
meeting  of  the  Legislature  and  every  two  years74  thereafter 
there  shall  be  chosen  two  commissioners  to  the  United  States, 
each  house  voting  separately.  These  delegates  are  entitled  to 
the  same  privileges  in  the  United  States  Congress  as  the  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives  except  the  privilege  of 
voting.  They  are  to  be  the  spokesmen  on  matters  which  pertain 
to  their  country.  The  commissioners  must  be  bona  fide  electors, 
owing  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  at  least  30  years  of  age, 
and  able  to  speak,  read,  and  write  the  English  language.75 

The  choice  of  resident  commissioners  became  a  matter  of  con- 
troversy and  much  concern,  especially  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  Nacionalista  Party  which  desired  to  sustain  its  platform  in 
the  United  States.  The  party,  it  should  be  remembered,  advo- 
cates immediate  independence  and  it  believed  that  the  choice  of 
the  right  delegate  spelled  success  in  "Washington.  While  it  was 
in  power  in  the  legislative  assembly  and  claiming  leadership 
because  the  speaker  was  a  Nacionalista  the  independence  boosters 
in  the  Assembly  saw  an  impediment  in  the  Commission,  at  that 
time  composed  of  five  Americans  and  three  fair-minded  Filipinos 
who  displayed  little  enthusiasm  for  immediate  independence. 
The  first  concern  was,  therefore,  the  manner  of  appointment. 

73  The  Outlook,  Vol.  XC,  p.  450. 

7*  Changed  to  three  years. —  United  States  Compiled  Statutes,  1918,  See. 
3815. 

™  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXII,  Pt.  1,  p.  694. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  49 

In  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  joint  resolution 
adopted  on  November  22,  1907,  each  house  chose  a  delegate,  the 
choice  of  each  being  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  other.  The 
election  resulted  in  the  appointment  of  Benito  Legarda,  a  Na- 
tional Progressive  selected  by  the  Philippine  Commission  fro,m 
among  its  number,  and  Pablo  Ocampo,  a  Nacionalista  and  choice 
of  the  Philippine  Assembly.76 

While  the  function  of  these  commissioners  is  to  give  such  in- 
formation as  Congress  may  desire  from  time  to  time  for  wise 
and  constructive  legislation  on  the  Islands,  the  exercise  of  their 
duties  has  been  subjected  to  political  pressure  from  home.  The 
average  citizen  at  home  and  in  the  United  States  knows  the 
Resident  Commissioners  as  agents  for  Philippine  independence. 
The  enthusiasm  and  patriotic  demonstration  staged  in  their 
honor  upon  their  return  to  the  Islands  is  a  measure  of  their 
success  in  promoting  this  program. 

SURVEY  OF   THE   FIRST  NINE   YEARS 

Under  the  most  trying  conditions  which  the  United  States  ever 
experienced  the  first  nine  years  have  done  wonders  in  the  Philip- 
pines. The  improvement  during  this  period  astonished  the 
whole  world.  Men  trained  in  colonial  administration  were  want- 
ing and  those  who  dared  the  vast  Pacific  were  often  impelled  by 
the  mere  spirit  of  adventure.  The  novel  task  was  made  doubly 
difficult  by  the  factors  which  held  foreign  capital  aloof  from  the 
Philippines.  The  early  agitation  for  independence  made  the 
conditions  unstable  and  capital  was  lacking  for  developing 
the  unexplored  Philippines.  Congress  failed  to  open  the  United 
States  markets  to  Philippine  products  and  this  alone  placed  the 
production  below  normal.  The  country  had  been  swept  by  epi- 
demics which  carried  thousands  to  early  graves,  the  rinderpest 
of  1907  claimed  eighty  per  cent  of  the  draft  animals,  and  in  addi- 
tion the  locusts  destroyed  a  large  part  of  the  crops  of  the  year. 
All  these  made  for  the  retardation  of  national  development. 

76  Official  Gazette,  December  11,  1907,  p.  1068;  Annual  Beports  of  the 
War  Department,  1908,  Vol.  VII,  p.  8;  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIV,  p. 
358. 


50  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

From  an  economic  standpoint  the  Filipinos  were  unprepared  to 
receive  the  liberal  concession  of  1907. 

Hardly  had  the  smoke  from  the  fields  of  battle  cleared  the 
skies  and  the  thundering  echoes  from  Dewey's  fleet  subsided 
when  public  schools  rose  one  after  another  as  if  in  perfect  peace. 
With  a  Springfield  in  one  hand  the  United  States  army  quelled 
seething  rebellions;  and  with  a  book  in  the  other  it  gave  in- 
struction to  the  thousands  of  Filipinos  of  all  ages  and  walks  of 
life  who  had  come  within  the  reach  of  the  willing  and  faithful 
soldier  tutors.  From  among  the  people  who  armed  themselves 
against  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  an  efficient  force  of 
the  Philippines  constabulary  was  organized  which  enforced  peace 
and  order.  By  the  good  will  of  the  senior  army  officers,  civil 
government  supplanted  military  authority  in  towns  occupied  by 
the  troops.  Popular  elections  had  been  introduced  in  munici- 
palities long  before  a  suggestion  of  a  Philippine  Assembly  was 
ever  heard.  The  provinces  came  to  enjoy  practically  a  popular 
system  of  government.  Of  the  three  executive  officials  in  the 
province,  two  were  popularly  elected,  and  the  third  was  ap- 
pointed under  the  civil  service  rules.  An  honest  and  efficient 
civil  service  system  has  saved  the  country  from  the  malignant 
practice  of  political  buccaneering;  and  an  impartial  judiciary 
has  eliminated  all  the  unnecessary  delay  and  unjust  procedure 
of  the  past  centuries.  In  order  that  proper  and  intelligent  laws 
might  be  passed  a  census  was  taken.  The  benefit  of  free  and 
public  education  was  extended  to  the  rich  and  the  poor  alike. 
Moreover,  early  in  1902  the  policy  of  sending  Filipino  young 
men  to  the  United  States  was  inaugurated  in  order  that  they 
might  enjoy  the  benefits  of  American  institutions,  then  return  to 
their  country  and  cooperate  in  its  development  and  improve- 
ment. Believing  in  the  superimportance  of  transportation  and 
communication,  the  construction  of  modern  first  class  roads  and 
bridges  was  much  emphasized.  Remote  parts  of  the  archipelago 
were  made  neighbors  by  steamship  and  telegraph  lines  which 
spanned  the  Islands.  One  hundred  and  seventeen  lighthouses 
and  one  hundred  and  seven  buoys  unfailingly  guided  the  sailors 
to   roads  of  safety.     To  encourage   railroad   construction  the 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  5^ 

Philippine  government  granted  a  concession  for  750  miles  of 
railroad  with  guarantee  of  interest  on  bonds  issued  for  this  pur- 
pose. The  purchase  of  the  friar  lands  put  an  end,  once  for  all, 
to  one  of  the  difficulties  which  had  menaced  the  country  for  cen- 
turies. The  public  domain  was  opened  to  the  inhabitants  for 
settlement  with  the  opportunity  of  acquiring  land  at  a  low  cost. 
Perfect  titles  eliminated  disputes  over  possession  of  lands  due  to 
faulty  documents.    A  postal  system  was  established. 

There  were,  likewise,  many  innovations  for  safe-guarding  pub- 
lic health.  The  unfortunate  lepers  were  segregated  and  isolated 
under  the  liberal  direction  of  the  government.  Government  lab- 
oratories were  established  to  study  tropical  diseases  and  to  manu- 
facture serums  and  vaccines. 

The  mediaeval  city  of  Manila  of  1898  became  the  metropolis 
of  the  Orient  in  1#07.  Three  million  dollars  were  expended  for 
its  harbors  to  say  nothing  of  the  $800,000  for  the  ports  of  Cebu 
and  Iloilo.  The  Bridge  of  Spain  was  broadened  and,  in  addition, 
two  steel  bridges  rose  over  the  Pasig  River.  An  efficient  fire 
department  equipped  with  modern  apparatus  supplanted  the 
antiquated  bucket  system. 

Above  all  these,  marking  an  era  in  the  history  of  the  Filipino 
nation,  is  the  guarantee  of  freedom  of  speech  and  liberty  of  the 
press  on  condition  that  neither  shall  be  used  to  incite  disturb- 
ance. Freedom  of  worship  and  the  right  to  assemble  peaceably 
and  petition  for  redress  have  crowned  the  life  of  the  Filipino 
race.  But  for  these,  the  Filipinos  would  not  have  ceased  making 
immediate  demands. 

A  just  system  of  taxation  in  which  each  person  carried  his 
own  burden  irrespective  of  his  station  in  life  replaced  the  annoy- 
ing system  of  taxation  hedged  about  by  discriminations  which 
oppressed  the  poor.77 

These  are  some  of  the  results  which  the  first  nine  years  of 
American  regime  have  wrought  in  the  Philippines.  Unprece- 
dented in  history  and  amidst  discouraging  predictions  from 
those  who  pretended  to  know  what  perils  tomorrow  would  surely 

77  See  Governor  Smith 'a  Message  to  the  First  Philippine  Legislature  in 
the  Cablenews- American,  October  18,  1907,  p.  11. 


52  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

bring,  the  sons  of  liberty  and  justice  braved  the  uncharted  path 
in  colonial  administration  and  in  nine  short  years  established  a 
system  of  government  for  which  other  nations  had  struggled  for 
hundreds  of  years  and  for  which  many  a  dependency  has  vainly 
struggled  since  time  immemorial.  The  magnanimity  shocked  the 
conservatives  in  America  and  astonished  the  whole  world.  These 
nine  years  saw  the  birth  of  a  representative  government  —  of 
democracy  —  in  the  Far  East,  instituted  under  a  foreign  flag, 
and  destined  to  take  deep  roots  in  the  Philippines.  It  gave  the 
Filipino  nation  the  right  to  initiate  laws,  to  modify  or  defeat 
measures  which  the  American  Commission  might  propose.  By 
means  of  the  Assembly,  the  people  and  the  executive  were 
brought  into  closer  relationship. 

This  miraculous  progress  has  been  attained  in  such  a  short 
period  not  only  from  American  altruism  and  unequalled  gener- 
osity, but  also  because  the  Filipino  nation  has  proved  good 
material  to  work  upon.  At  the  time  of  the  institution  of  the 
popular  assembly  Filipinos  had  already  filled  responsible  posi- 
tions. Three  Filipinos  were  members  of  the  Philippine  Com- 
mission when  the  Assembly  was  inaugurated.  The  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court  has  always  been  a  Filipino.  Two  associate 
justices  in  this  court  were  Filipinos.  The  Attorney  General  was 
a  Filipino,  and  all  the  fiscals  or  prosecuting  attorneys  outside  of 
Manila  were  Filipinos.  Nine  judges  of  the  Courts  of  First  In- 
stance, to  say  nothing  of  all  the  justices  of  the  peace,  were  Fili- 
pinos. Provincial  secretaries  were  all  Filipinos  as  were  the 
thousands  of  minor  officials  in  every  branch  of  civil  service.78 
Unqualified  willingness  to  cooperate  coupled  with  a  feeling  of 
self-confidence  and  a  willingness  to  assume  responsibility  were 
qualities  which  the  Americans  found  in  the  Filipino  people. 

THE  JONES  LAW 

After  the  passage  of  the  organic  act  which  established  the 
Philippine  Assembly,  the  Philippines  ceased  to  be  a  political 
issue  in  the  United  States.    The  Democrats  and  the  Republicans 

'side's  The  Philippine  Assembly  in  The  Independent,  Vol.  LXIII,  p. 
599. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE  53 

found  a  common  ground  in  the  extension  of  self-government  to 
the  Filipinos,  but  one  would  extend  it  sooner  than  the  other. 
As  Secretary  Garrison  said,  the  Philippines  have  become  a  moral 
issue  rather  than  a  political  one.  In  the  Philippines,  the  ques- 
tion of  independence  resulted  in  the  birth  of  the  ^Nacionalista 
P_qrty  and  the  Nation »1  Prpgresista  Party.  One  desires  immedi- 
ate release  from  the  United  States,  allowing  the  Philippines  to 
assume  a  complete  independence,  while  the  other,  desiring  the 
same  end,  favors  a  period  of  tutelage  and  training  before  as- 
suming such  independent  political  life.  The  election  of  delegates 
to  the  Philippine  Assembly  in  1907  centered  on  this  vital  prob- 
lem, and  on  this  issue  of  immediate  independence  the  Nacion- 
alista  Party  has  maintained  control  in  the  Philippine  Legislature 
down  to  the  present  time.  The  speaker  of  the  lower  house, 
Sergio  Osmeiia,  is  a  champion  of  immediate  independence  for 
the  Philippines,  and  so  is  the  Resident  Commissioner,  Manuel  L. 
Quezon,  now  the  president  of  the  Philippine  Senate,  who  put 
forth  his  best  efforts  at  Washington  to  secure  the  release  of  the 
Islands.  It  is  fair  to  say  that  most  of  the  Congressional  legisla- 
tion further  extending  popular  government  to  the  Filipinos  is 
the  fruit  of  the  labors  of  these  two  leaders  —  leaders  of  their 
party  in  particular  and  of  the  Filipino  people  in  general.  It 
follows,  therefore,  that  the  extension  of  self-government  to  the 
Filipinos  has  always  been  connected  with  the  movement  for 
Philippine  independence. 

Previous  to  the  enactment  of  the  Jones  Law  the  question  of 
granting  the  Philippines  their  independence  had  been  suggested 
in  Congress  in  the  form  of  resolutions  and  other  acts.  Various 
resolutions79  and  bills  were  introduced  which  had  for  their  ob- 
ject the  independence  of  the  Philippines.  A  resolution  intro- 
duced in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  December  2,  1912, 
authorized  the  President  to  open  negotiations  with  the  govern- 
ments of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Russia,  Japan,  China, 

79  Resolutions  to  neutralize  the  Philippines :  Senate  Joint  Resolution  No. 
54,  December  16,  1915;  House  Joint  Resolution,  No.  22,  December  6,  1915; 
House  Joint  Resolution,  No.  74,  December  17,  1915;  House  Concurrent 
Resolution,  No.  3,  December  6,  1915. 


54  SELF-GOVEENMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

and  other  countries  to  recognize  the  neutrality  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  in  case  the  United  States  should  establish  an  independent 
government  in  the  Islands.80  In  the  House  of  Representatives, 
Mr.  Jones  of  Virginia  was  the  champion  of  Philippine  inde- 
pendence. In  1912  he  introduced  a  bill  providing  for  qualified 
independence  for  eight  years  after  July  4,  1913,  and  complete 
independence  after  July  4,  1921.81  The  bill  failed  in  the  House. 
In  1914  Mr.  Jones  presented  another  bill.  It  made  no  provision 
for  a  definite  date  when  the  United  States  should  withdraw  from 
the  Philippines,  but  its  preamble  speaks  of  "the  purpose  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  to  withdraw  their  sovereignty  over 
the  Philippine  Islands  and  to  recognize  their  independence  as 
soonjis^a  stable  government  can  be  established  therein.''  To 
attain  this  end,  the  bill  continues,  the  powers  of  government  must 
be  extended  to  the  Filipinos  as  rapidly  as  possible  in  order  that 
they  may  learn  the  lessons  by  actual  experience.  This  bill  passed 
the  House  on  October  14,  1914,  but  was  never  acted  upon  by  the 
Senate.  The  Philippine  Legislature  expressed  its  appreciation 
to  the  House  of  Representatives  for  acting  upon  the  bill  and 
urged  the  President  and  the  Senate  to  support  the  bill.82 

The  history  of  the  law  which  is  now  the  organic  act  of  the 
Philippines  is  of  singular  interest,  for  the  amendments  which 
were  adopted  in  the  Senate  gave  the  Filipino  people  a  surprise. 
Having  passed  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  bill  was  for- 
warded to  the  Senate  for  action.  The  Senate  committee  reported 
the  bill  practically  rewritten  with  some  important  changes. 

The  two  principal  amendments  were  the  Gronna83  and  the 
Clarke84  amendments.  The  Gronna  amendment  prohibited  the 
manufacture  for  sale  or  importation  of  intoxicants  in  the  Philip- 

80  Robertson 's  Tlie  Effect  in  the  Philippines  of  the  Senate  ' '  Organic 
Act"  in  the  Journal  of  Bace  Development,  April,  1916,  p.  372. 

si  House  Resolution  No.  22,143,  62nd  Congress,  2nd  Session. 

82  House  Documents,  63rd  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Document  No.  1350,  p.  1. 

83  Senate  Bill  No.  381,  64th  Congress,  1st  Session  (December  10,  1915). 
s*  Senate  Bill  No.  381,  64th  Congress,  1st  Session   (January  24,  1916). 

See  also  the  Hitchcock  amendment  to  the  Clarke  amendment  which  Mr. 
Hitchcock  introduced  on  January  29,  1916. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE.  LEGISLATUBE 


55 


pines.  The  argument  against  this  measure  was  the  loss  of  reve- 
nues to  the  government,  and  furthermore  it  was  considered 
unnecessary  in  a  country  like  the  Philippines  where  the  people 
do  not  indulge  in  drinking.  The  Clarke  amendment  authorized 
the  President  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Philippines 
within  from  two  to  four  years.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate  by 
the  deciding  vote  of  the  president  on  February  4,  1916,  and  was 
then  returned  to  the  House  where  a  strong  opposition  was  mani- 
fested against  the  amendments,  principally  the  Clarke  amend- 
ment. After  repeated  amendments  in  the  committee  it  again 
passed  the  House  on  May  1,  1916,  with  the  famous  amendments 
stricken  out.  In  transmitting  it  to  the  Senate,  the  House  urged 
a  joint  conference  and  on  August  29,  1916,  the  Jones  Bill,  which 
*  was  first  introduced  in  1914,  was  enacted  into  law  with  the\ 
Clarke  amenjlmeiit^ftcluded  and  became  the  organic  act  of  the  J 
Philippine  Islands     It  gave  the  Filipino  people  a  popular  legis-/?  /? 


'5  <£.£ 


^r-C^U<? 


For  nine  years  the  Philippine  Legislature  was  composed  of  a  ^  ^ ' 
Filipino  Assembly  elected  by  the  people  and  an  American-  p m 
Filipino  Senate  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
This  Senate  which  was  also  the  United  States  Philippine  Com- 
mission exercised  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  non-Christian 
peoples  of  the  Islands,  and  for  this  reason  these  tribes  were  not 
represented  in  the  Philippine  Assembly.  The  Commission  had 
also  exclusive  power  in  originating  appropriation  bills.  Passage 
of  laws  was  determined  by  a  majority  vote  in  both  houses,  the 
Governor  General  having  no  veto  power  over  legislative  bills. 
It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  under  this  plan  three  suc- 
cessive deadlocks  occurred  in  1910-1913  on  appropriation  bills, 
and  these  might  have  continued  had  not  President  Wilson  ap- 
pointed the  fifth  Filipino  to  the  Commission,  and  so  secured  a 
Filipino  majority  in  the  Senate.  Harmony  and  cooperation 
seemed  most  difficult  to  secure  and  a  new  piece  of  legislation 
became  imperative. 

On  August  29,  1916,  nine  years  after  the  inauguration  of  the 


56  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

Philippine  Assembly,  the  Jones  Act  supplanted  the  organic  act 
of  July  1, 1902.  It  granted  the  Filipinos  more  extensive  partici- 
pation in  their  government  and  put  an  end  to  all  the  administra- 
tive and  legislative  discords  which  retarded  the  progress  of  the 
Philippines. 

The  legislative  changes  which  the  new  law  made  placed  the 
Philippine  Legislature  on  the  same  plane  as  that  of  the  United 
States.  "General  legislative  powers  in  the  Philippines,  except 
as  herein  otherwise  provided"  were  conferred  on  the  "Philippine 
Legislature"  which  is  composed  of  a  Senate  and  the  House  of 
Representatives,  both  elected  by  the  people.  The  United  States 
placed  under  the  control  and  administration  of  the  Philippine 
government  all  the  property  and  all  the  rights  acquired  from 
Spain  under  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  and  all  other  lands 
subsequently  acquired  by  purchase  except  land  and  property 
which  the  President  had  designated  for  military  or  other  pur- 
poses of  the  United  States.  The  Philippine  Legislature  was 
given  full  powers  to  enact  laws  for  the  welfare  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, but  acts  affecting  the  public  domain,  timber,  and  mining 
must  first  be  approved  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
before  they  become  laws.85 

The  two  houses  of  the  Philippine  Legislature  are  composed  of 
Filipinos  elected  by  the  voters  except  the  Representatives  and 
Senators  who  represent  the  non-Christian  tribes.  These  are  ap- 
pointed by  the  Governor  General  and  hold  their  office  until  re- 
moved by  him.  The  House  of  Representatives  is  composed  of 
ninety  members,  an  increase  of  nine  over  the  former  number. 
The  nine  new  members  are  appointed  by  the  Governor  General 
to  represent  the  non-Christian  peoples.  Elective  members  of  the 
House  hold  office  for  three  years.88 

The  Philippines  were  divided  into  twelve  senatorial  districts 
each  of  which  elects  two  Senators,  except  the  twelfth  district. 

85  Senate  Bill  No.  381,  64th  Congress,  1st  Session,  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, February  8,  1916,  Report  No.  499;  United  States  Statutes  at 
Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees.  9,  12. 

se  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees. 
14,  16. 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LEGISLATURE 


57 


For  this  district,  which  is  composed  of  The  Mountain  Province, 
Baguio,  Nueva  Ecija,  and  the  Department  of  Mindanao  and 
Sulu,  the  Governor  General  appoints  two  Senators  who  hold 
office  during  his  pleasure.  The  other  twenty  Senators  hold  office 
for  six  years.  In  the  first  election  in  1916,  each  senatorial  dis- 
trict elected  one  Senator  for  three  years  and  one  for  six  years. 

But  for  the  appointive  Senators  and  Representatives,  the 
Philippine  Legislature  would  have  been  thoroughly  popular.  In 
place  of  the  three  common  divisions  —  Christian,  non-Christians, 
and  Moros  —  the  Philippines  consist  of  ninety  representative 
districts  and  twelve  senatorial  districts.  The  Legislature  has 
now  full  control  of  the  suffrage.  The  Philippine  Commission 
continued  to  operate  until  January  1,  1917,  when  the  act  re- 
organizing the  executive  departments  took  effect.  The  Governor 
General  ceased  to  be  the  chairman  of  the  Commission  which  is 
now  dissolved. 

QUALIFICATIONS  OF  THE  LEGISLATIVE  MEMBERS 
A  candidate  for  the  Senate  must  be  a  qualified  elector  in  the 
Philippines,  over  thirty  years  of  age,  and  must  be  able  to  read 
and  write  Spanish  or  English.  He  must  have  resided  in  the 
Philippines  for  at  least  two  years  and  been  for  one  year  immedi- 
ately preceding  the  election  an  actual  resident  of  his  district. 

A  candidate  for  the  House  of  Representatives  must  be  over 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  able  to  read  and  write  English  or  Span- 
ish, and  must  be  a  qualified  elector.  He  must  have  resided  in  the 
district  at  least  one  year  immediately  preceding  the  election. 

Appointments  of  the  Senators  and  Representatives  for  the  non- 
Christian  tribes  are  made  ' '  without  the  consent  of  the  senate  and 
without  restriction  as  to  residence."87 

GOVERNOR'S  VETO  POWER 

Previous  to  the  adoption  of  the  Jones  Law  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral had  never  had  the  veto  power  over  legislative  enactments. 
As  Civil  Governor  from  July  4,  1901,  to  the  inauguration  of  the 
Philippine  Assembly,  the  chief  executive  was  the  chairman  of 

87  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees. 
13,  14,  16. 


5g  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

the  United  States  Philippine  Commission  in  its  dual  capacity 
both  as  an  executive  board  and  as  one  of  the  legislative  branches 
of  the  government.  When  the  Philippine  Assembly  was  insti- 
tuted bills  were  enacted  by  majority  vote  of  both  houses. 

The  Jones  Law  placed  the  Governor  General  on  practically 
the  same  basis  with  respect  to  the  Philippine  Legislature  as  the 
President  of  the  United  States  is  with  respect  to  Congress.  All 
bills  and  joint  resolutions  passed  by  both  houses  shall,  before 
they  become  law,  be  presented  to  the  Governor  General  for  ap- 
proval. A  period  of  twenty  days  is  allowed  the  Governor  to  act 
upon  the  bills  presented  to  him  and  failure  to  act  within  the 
prescribed  time  will  automatically  validate  the  bills  as  if  he  had 
signed  them.  A  two-thirds  vote  in  both  houses  passes  a  bill  over 
the  Governor's  veto.  When  such  happens  the  Governor  General 
may  either  approve  it  or  reject  it.  If  he  rejects  it  he  shall 
transmit  the  same  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  the 
last  recourse.  The  President  is  allowed  six  months  in  which  to 
act.    If  he  fails  to  veto  the  bill  within  that  time  it  becomes  a  law. 

The  Governor  General  has  the  veto  power  over  any  item  or 
items  of  the  appropriation  but  such  veto  shall  not  affect  other 
items.  If  the  Legislature  fails  to  pass  the  appropriation  for  the 
fiscal  year,  the  items  of  the  last  appropriation  shall  as  far  as 
practicable  be  deemed  appropriated  until  the  Legislature  passes 
a  new  budget.  This  provision  has  never  been  used.  Congress 
reserves  the  power  to  annul  all  laws  enacted  by  the  Philippine 
Legislature.88 

EXTENSION  OF  SUFFRAGE 

Of  no  little  importance  to  the  political  education  of  the  Fili- 
pino people  is  the  provision  of  the  Jones  Act  extending  the  right 
of  suffrage  to  those  who  read  and  write  a  native  dialect.  The 
franchise  was  conferred  on  all  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  have  been  residents  of  the  Philippines  for  one  year, 
and  in  the  municipality  six  months  preceding  the  election,  and 
belonged  to  one  of  the  following  classes:  those  who  are  legal 
voters  under  the  existing  law,  those  who  own  real  property  to 

88  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sec.  19. 


EFFECT   OF  THE   CL1AH1JII&   MftJLJUMUNT 


59 


the  value  of  500  pesos,  and  those  who  read  and  write  Spanish, 
English,  or  a  native  dialect.  Under  the  old  law  suffrage  was 
enjoyed  by  250,000  voters ;  under  the  new  law  the  electorate  was 
enlarged  to  over  750,000.89 

This  is  the  result  of  the  eighteen  years  of  tutelage  under  the 
American  rule.  On  October  16,  1916,  in  the  same  place  where 
sixteen  years  ago  the  civil  government  received  the  responsibility 
from  the  military  authorities,  Governor  General  Harrison  deliv- 
ered his  message  to  the  Fourth  Philippine  Legislature  —  the  all- 
Filipino  legislature  elected  by  popular  vote.  It  is  the  first  truly 
representative  ruling  body  ever  assembled  in  the  Philippines. 
Among  the  eighty-one  elected  Representatives  sat  the  nine  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  non-Christians ;  and  among  the  twenty  elected 
Senators  sat  the  two  appointees  of  the  Governor  to  represent  the 
non-Christians.  In  recognition  of  the  privilege  extended  to  them, 
the  mountain  peoples  of  Luzon  and  the  Moros  in  the  south  sent 
their  delegations  to  attend  the  inauguration  of  the  purely  Fili- 
pino Legislature. 

The  transformation  which  the  Jones  Act  has  brought  about 
carries  with  it  grave  significance.  By  this  act,  the  United  States 
surrendered  in  good  faith  to  the  Filipino  people  its  all  important 
check  upon  its  territorial  possession.  On  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  the  law  is  the  highest  recognition  of  trust  and  confidence 
in  the  ability  of  the  Filipino  people  to  govern  themselves.  To 
the  Filipinos  it  means  untold  opportunity  for  advancement  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  gravest  responsibility  on  the  other.  Repre- 
sentative government  in  the  Far  East  ceased  to  be  a  half  measure 
as  it  was  from  1907  to  1916.  The  day  on  which  the  act  was  passed 
saw  the  birth  of  a  truly  representative  form  of  government 
among  the  millions  of  Filipinos  who  have  been  struggling  for  the 
coveted  ideal.  By  it  the  Philippines  have  linked  the  East  and 
the  West.  It  is  true  that  Cuba,had  been  only  three  years  under 
the  United  States  when  self-government  was  granted  to  her,  but 

s»  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  See.  15; 
Future  Political  Status  of  the  People  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  Senate  Ee- 
port  No.  18,  64th  Congress,  1st  Session,  December  17,  1915,  pp.  2,  3. 


QQ  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

that  self-government  was  under  a  protectorate.  Great  Britain 
extended  the  franchise  to  the  Boers  before  the  smoke  over  the 
battle  fields  had  subsided,  but  these  people  had  been  self-govern- 
ing for  fifty  years. 

On  August  29,  1916,  there  rose  in  the  fortunate  Philippines 
the  eternal  torch  of  liberty  and  justice  to  shed  its  beneficent 
radiance  not  only  on  the  Filipinos  alone  but  also  on  the  down- 
trodden Koreans,  the  struggling  Irish  and  Polish,  oppressed 
India,  Indo- China,  and  Egypt  where  the  day  of  freedom  has 
scarcely  dawned. 


Ill  „ 

THE  EFFECT  OF  THE  CLARKE  AMENDMENT 
IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

At  the  time  of  the  debate  over  the  Jones  Bill  it  was  no  longer 
a  question  whether  the  Filipinos  were  entitled  to  a  wider  par- 
ticipation in  their  government.  To  grant  this  privilege  was 
recognized  as  the  only  certain  way  of  training  the  Filipinos  in 
the  art  of  modern  government  and  the  concession  was  considered 
indispensable  if  the  United  States  is  to  withdraw  from  the 
Islands  sometime  in  the  future.  The  organic  act  of  July  1,  1902, 
had  outlived  its  usefulness.  A  new  piece  of  legislation,  more 
liberal  and  more  far  reaching,  became  imperative.  Congress 
realized  this  fact  and  put  forth  every  effort  in  formulating  the 
most  suitable  law  possible.  But  was  the  time  ripe  for  making  a 
definite  provision  for  the  independence  of  the  Philippines?  To 
Senator  Clarke,  conditions  warranted  the  provision,  for  in  the 
Jones  Bill  he  inserted  his  famous  amendment  providing  for  the 
recognition  of  Philippine  independence  in  not  less  than  two  years 
nor  more  than  four  years  at  the  discretion  of  the  President. 

Flashed  across  the  waters  to  Manila,  the  famous  Clarke  amend- 
ment placed  the  Filipino  people  in  the  most  critical^ position  in 
their  history.  The  suddenness  with  which  independence  ap- 
peared, says  a  press  report,  "stunned  most  people  and  .... 
rendered  them  incapable  of  coherent  conclusions  and  sane  specu- 
lations".90 "Manila  has  been  shot  to  pieces  this  week",  asserts 
the  Free  Press  in  its  editorial  on  ' '  The  Jones  Bill  and  Those  Sen- 
sational Amendments. "  "  The  most  radical  ....  is  that  of 
Senator  Clarke  of  Arkansas,  a  democrat  and  president  pro  tem- 
pore of  the  senate."91    "On  the  part  of  the  Assembly,  however, 

»o  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  29,  1916,  p.  11. 
si  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  22,  1916,  p.  8. 

61 


Q2  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

and  all  political  leaders,  without  regard  to  party,  there  appears 
to  be  enthusiasm  and  jubilation,"  but  as  the  comment  tells  us, 
it  is  because  the  United  States  pledged  itself  to  protect  the 
islands  and  secure  their  neutrality.92  As  if  foreseeing  the  fate 
of  the  Filipinos  the  Free  Press  of  January  29,  1916,  published  a 
cartoon  entitled,  "Giving  Jonah  to  the  "Whale",  in  which  Uncle 
Sam  and  Congress  were  represented  as  picking  up  Jonah 
(Philippines)  to  throw  to  the  whale  (Japan).93 

Most  of  the  Filipino  papers,  being  organs  of  some  party  or 
other,  made  political  capital  of  the  issue.  In  all  their  comments,^ 
however,  indications  of  fear  and  doubts  were  mingled  with  the  L 
loud  praises  for  the  party  responsible  for  the  achievement. 
According  to  El  Ideal  the  Clarke  amendment  was  in  accordance 
with  the  policy  that  territories  which  menace  the  peace  of  the 
United  States  must  be  gotten  rid  of.  However,  it  advised  the 
citizens  that  they  "be  armed  with  prudence  and  must  realize  the 
great  responsibility  rests  on  their  shoulders".94  The  Consoli- 
dation National  was  not  reserved  in  lauding  the  success  of  the 
Nacionalista  Party,  glorifying  Speaker  Osmeiia  to  the  skies.95 
Like  El  Ideal,  La  Venguardia  praised  the  United  States  for  its 
courage  in  facing  probable  complications  with  Japan,  but 
strongly  hoped  that  the  powers  would  join  in  neutralizing  the 
Islands.  Seemingly  half  assured,  the  paper  said  that  the  Fili- 
pino people  were,  more  than  ever  before,  prepared  to  meet  the 
consequences,  and  "with  the  aid  of  God  and  men  of  good  will" 
they  would  maintain  "a  free  government."96  La  Democracia,  in 
its  conservatism,  entertained  much  apprehension,  and  advocated 
that  if  the  Filipinos  did  not  want  independence  Congress  must 
be  so  informed.97 

»2  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  29,  1916,  p.  11. 
»3  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  29,  1916,  p.  1. 

9*  Quoted  in  the  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  29,  1916,  p.  17,  February 
12,  1916,  p.  17. 

•■  Quoted  in  the  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  17,  1916,  p.  17. 

96  Quoted  in  the  Philippines  Free  Press,  January  29,  1916,  p.  17,  February 
12,  1916,  p.  17. 

97  Quoted  in  the  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  12,  1916,  p.  17. 


EFFECT   OF   THE   CLARKE   AMENDMENT 


63 


The  passage  of  the  Jones  Bill  with  the  Clarke  amendment  in 
the  Senate  on  February  4,  1916,  brought  forth  the  following  edi- 
torial in  the  Philippines  Free  Press: 

Pain  often  carries  with  it  a  certain  anesthesia,  and,  in  the  presence  of 
great  events,  a  certain  numbness  of  the  faculties,  an  inability  to  grasp  the 
full  significance  of  what  is  transpiring,  frequently  follows. 

So  is  it  to-day  with  the  pregnant  news  which  is  coming  over  the  wires 
from  Washington.  Independence  heretofore  little  more  than  a  vociferously 
expressed  national  aspiration,  and,  on  occasion,  a  mere  party  shibbolith, 
seems  now  to  be  standing  on  the  very  threshold  of  the  real,  the  actual,  and 
to  be  about  to  assume  definite  shape  and  form.  But,  in  its  imminent  pres- 
ence, we  are  dazed  and  confounded,  and  find  it  almost  impossible  to  visual- 
ize the  circumstances  it  will  create  and  to  make  tangible  to  our  mind  the 
train  of  consequences  which  will  follow.  As  a  result,  the  air  is  full  of  wild 
speculations  and  impossible  conjectures,  and  the  very  foundations  appear 
to  be  shifting  beneath  our  feet.  ...  a  deadly  chill  ....  seems 
to  be  passing  over  our  business  men  at  present  as  a  result  of  the  Jones 
bill.98 

It  seems  that  the  jubilee  which  came  in  consequence  of  the 
passage  of  the  Jones  Bill  with  the  Clarke  amendment  in  the 
Senate  was  confined  to  politicians.  The  Daily  Bulletin,  an 
American  paper  in  Manila,  observed  that  it  appeared  as  if 
nothing  out  of  the  ordinary  had  happened.  Parades  and 
pompous  demonstrations  were  wanting.  The  editorial  of  the 
Cablenews- American  which  referred  to  the  recent  parade  of  the 
American  troops  in  Manila,  was  sad  in  tone.  The  paper  said 
that  that  would  be  the  last  time  the  troops  appeared  until  they 
embarked  for  the  homeland." 

It  was  reported  that  when  the  Clarke  amendment  was  pending 
in  the  Senate  the  Philippine  Assembly  cabled  to  Congress  urging 
the  passage  of  the  bill.  Governor  General  Harrison  is  said  to 
have  unreservedly  endorsed  the  bill.  Mr.  Osmefia,  the  speaker 
of  the  Assembly,  said  on  one  occasion : 

Determined  to  become  independent,  our  duty  in  these  moments  is  not 
compatible  with  any  vacillation  on  our  part.  We  should  continue  the  cam- 
paign to  the  final  approval  of  the  Jones  bill,  and  the  establishment   in 

»8  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  12,  1916,  p.  14. 

»»  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  12,  1916,  p.  17,  March  11,  1916,  p.  17. 


(54  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

proper  time,  of  those  conditions  which  make  of  Philippine  independence  a 
permanent  and  general  good.  There  is  no  reason  for  alarm.  On  the  con- 
trary, we  can  and  we  should  look  to  the  future  with  calm  and  confident 
hope.100 

Interviews  with  other  prominent  men  showed  that  guaranteed 
independence,  neutralization,  or  a  protectorate  were  preferred  to 
absolute  independence.  Vicente  Singson  Encarnacion,  now  in 
the  Philippine  Senate,  and  Juan  Villamor,  Governor  of  Ilocos 
Sur,  preferred  guaranteed  independence.  Mr.  Villamor  said, ' '  I 
do  not  think  there  is  a  Filipino  who  would  not  prefer  a  guaran- 
teed independence.  .  .  .  During  the  first  years  of  our  life,  we 
will  undoubtedly  need  some  one  or  something  to  shield  us  against 
external  aggression. ' '  In  like  manner  Evaristo  Francisco,  a  ship- 
owner and  business  man,  would  have  guaranteed  independence 
for  his  first  choice  or  an  autonomy  like  that  of  Canada  or 
Australia  for  his  second  choice.101 

The  Clarke  amendment  stimulated  an  intelligent  reaction 
among  the  younger  generation  of  the  Filipino  people,  trained  in 
the  Philippine  public  schools  and  in  the  universities  of  America. 
Because  of  the  training  the  logie  of  their  reasoning,  and  their 
non-partisanship,  the  timely  comments  of  some  of  these  younger 
Filipinos  on  the  national  issue  merit  a  special  notice. 

The  first  of  these  comments,  by  a  young  man  from  Bacolod, 
Occidental  Negros,  who  signed  a  nom  de  plume  of  Nezar,  read  in 
part  as  follows: 

I  am  not  the  son  of  a  prophet,  but  I  predict  that  if  our  political  inde- 
pendence is  granted  it  may  benefit  the  hungry  office  seekers  for  a  short 
time,  but  it  will  bring  a  deluge  of  tears  for  the  common  people  and  ulti- 

io«  The  Spanish  of  this  quotation  is  as  follows :  ' '  Determinados  a  ser 
independientes,  nuestro  deber  en  estos  momentos  no  es  compatible  con 
ninguna  vacilacion  de  nuestro  parte.  Debemos  proseguir  la  campana  hasta 
la  aprobaeion  final  del  bill  Jones,  y  el  establecimiento,  a  su  debido  tiempo, 
de  aquellas  condiciones  que  hagan  la  independencia  filipina  un  bien  general 
y  permanente.  No  hay  ningun  motivo  actual  de  alarma.  Por  el  contrario 
podemos  y  debemos  mirar  el  porvenir  con  serenidad  y  confiada  esperenza." 
—  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  19,  1916,  p.  24;  House  Report  No.  499, 
64th  Congress,  1st  Session,  April  6,  1916,  pp.  17,  18. 

i°i  Philippines  Free  Press,  March  11,  1916,  p.  20. 


EFFECT  OF  THE   CLARKE   AMENDMENT 


65 


mately  worse  than  tears  for  the  politicians.  I  am  afraid  that  behind  the 
mask  of  patriotism  of  too  many  of  our  politicians  there  lie  selfish  designs. 
.  .  .  .  The  hope  commonly  entertained  that  independence  would  bring 
redemption  would  vanish  at  the  sight  of  political  chaos.  Neither  the  Jones 
bill  nor  a  hundred  of  Jones  bills  will  bring  us  real  independence  which 
makes  for  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of  the  people.  .  .  .  When  the 
right  time  comes  and  the  Filipinos  are  prosperous  and  further  advanced  in 
civilization,  there  will  be  no  trouble  in  securing  our  independence,  and 
America  would  be  only  too  willing  to  give  it.  The  dreams  of  too  many  of 
our  politicos  is  the  dream  of  a  Ceasar  ....  but  from  such  a  dream 
there  will  be  a  terrible  awakening  and  we  shall  repent  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes.102 

In  contrast  to  the  gloomy  forecasts  of  this  article,  a  young 
Filipino  girl  expressed  "hope  —  'for  the  best,'  "  and  unwaver- 
ing faith.  In  reply  to  the  article  just  cited  the  young  woman 
said: 

I  am  no  daughter  of  a  politician,  nor  an  ardent  advocate  of  Philippine 
Independence,  but,  being  a  native  of  the  islands,  most  decidedly  I  am  not  an 
indifferent  onlooker.  Therefore  I  contend  against  the  spirit  of  that  proph- 
ecy. I  can  tolerate  a  foreigner  declaiming  over  the  woes  that  Independence 
would  bring  to  the  Islands,  but  a  countryman  —  never.  Let  their 's  be  to 
predict,  ours  to  hope,  even  against  hope, — ' '  for  the  best ' '.  The  world  may 
smile  grimly  or  pityingly  at  our  most  absurd  dreams  and  impossible  hopes; 
but  they  are  better  by  far  to  cherish  than  dire  prophecies  and  woeful 
fears.  So,  please,  do  not  have  a  voice  "sad  and  prophetic,"  but  rather 
"watch  and  pray",  and  firmly  believe  that  the  righteous  are  never  for- 
saken. With  eyes  of  hope,  born  out  of  faith,  I,  for  one,  do  not  see  or  fear 
"political  chaos";  but,  above  and  beyond  the  troubles  that  be,  a  better, 
greater  and  happier  Philippines.103 

At  this  time  Mr.  Luis  Rivera,  a  product  of  American  univer- 
sities, wrote  a  thoughtful  article  entitled  "A  Problem  of  Life 
and  Death".  He  expresses  fear  of  eternal  colonization  by  Japan ; 
and  rather  than  risk  exploitation  by  a  foreign  power,  advised 
that  the  Filipinos  remain  content  with  the  present  peace  and 
prosperity  under  the  United  States.104 

Bienvenido  Tan  struck  the  keynote  of  the  younger  generation 

w>2  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  5,  1916. 

103  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  26,  1916,  p.  11. 

io*  Philippines  Free  Press,  February  19,  1916,  pp.  15,  24. 


66  SELF-GOVEKNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

which  he  represents  when  he  delivered  a  speech  during  his  cam- 
paign for  election  to  the  Municipal  Board  of.  Manila.  Mr.  Tan 
is  a  young  man  25  years  of  age,  and  was  educated  in  the  Philip- 
pine public  schools.  Speaking  of  the  Jones  Bill  with  the  Clarke 
amendment  the  young  lawyer  said : 

I  have  observed  that  most  of  the  people  do  not  understand  the  real 
situation  in  regard  to  the  Jones  bill.  The  politicians  of  the  "old  school" 
tell  the  people,  either  intentionally  or  from  ignorance,  only  about  the  ad- 
vantages to  be  gotten  from  the  Jones  bill  but  not  the  responsibilities  that 
go  with  it.  They  tell  the  people  that  with  the  Jones  bill  we  shall  be  a  free 
people,  have  less  taxation,  and  no  worry  for  anything.  Some  of  the  people 
believe  that  with  independence  taxes  will  be  abolished.  ...  I  ex- 
plained to  them  that  just  the  contrary  will  happen  —  that  taxes  will  be 
doubled;   for  the  expenses  then  will  be  greater.     .     .     . 

.  .  .  .  I  am  going  to  tell  the  people  the  real  truth,  the  hard  cold 
bitter  truth,  no  matter  what  happens.  I  am  not  afraid.  I  have  observed 
that  if  you  will  express  an  opinion  contrary  to  independence  you  will  be 
branded  as  unpatriotic  and  a  traitor  to  the  legitimate  aspirations  of  the 
people.  If  to  tell  the  truth  I  am  unpatriotic,  then  I  am  unpatriotic,  and 
dare  to  be  so.     .     .     . 

We  may  be  branded  as  radicals,  idealists  and  inexperienced  callow  youths ; 
but  we  believe  we  understand  what  we  are  doing,  and  we  are  ready  to  put 
our  ideas  to  the  test.iois 

A  very  sane  appeal  to  the  Filipino  politicians  is  found  in  an 
article  entitled  "An  Appeal  to  Intelligent  Patriotism",  by  Jose 
L.  Jalandoni.  Mr.  Jalandoni  is  a  product  of  one  of  the  largest 
universities  in  the  United  States  and  is  now  a  successful  young 
farmer.    He  said  in  part: 

There  are  times  when  almost  every  one  of  us  except  the  greedy  benefici- 
aries becomes  tired  of  politics,  and  politicians  have  taken  advantage  of  this 
fact  to  seduce  the  more  ignorant  people  for  their  own  benefit.  But  times 
such  as  these  are  not  for  petty  politics.  The  intelligent  citizens  who  here- 
tofore have  not  taken  an  active  part  in  politics  should  come  ahead  and  lead 
the  people  and  show  them  clearly  that  they  must  either  live  or  die  in  ac- 
cordance with   their   decisions.     .     .     . 

I  am  not  opposed  to  independence,  but  I  believe  that  ample  time  should 
be  allowed  us,  so  that  we  can  devote  all  our  efforts  and  energies  to  the 
development  of  the  vast  agricultural  resources  of  our  country.  ...  I 
am  not  questioning  the  capability  of  our  people  to  conduct   an  efficient 

105  Philippines  Free  Press,  March  11,  1916,  p.  13. 


EFFECT  OF  THE  CLAEKE  AMENDMENT  Q>J 

government  of  our  own,  but  I  believe,  and  I  know  that  there  is  a  consider- 
able number  of  patriotic  Filipinos  who  believe  with  me,  that  such  a  measure, 
because  of  probable  foreign  aggressions,  will  endanger  the  lives,  liberties 
and  properties  in  this  country.  Why,  then,  shall  be  put  our  very  existence 
in  jeopardy  such  as  it  will  be  at  the  will  of  the  President?  .  .  .  Let 
us  urge  the  passage  of  the  Jones  bill  but  protest  with  all  our  might  against 
the  Clarke  amendment.  ...  let  us  see  clearly  the  issue  before  us.  Are 
you  ready  to  exchange  our  present  condition  of  peace,  progress  and  pros- 
perity to  that  of  danger  and  uncertainty?  Do  not  let  our  patriotism  rise 
from  the  heart  ....  Let  our  emotions  be  controlled  by  our  intel- 
lects. .  .  .  Let  us  show  the  masses  of  our  people  that  safe  and  perma- 
nent progress  is  the  result  of  human  forethought,  that  the  blunders  of  a 
nation  are  not  less  deplorable  and  blameworthy  than  those  of  an  individual. 
Let  us  realise  that  the  question  is  vital  for  all  and  as  such  it  should  be 
carefully  considered.  .  .  .  The  great  majority  of  our  professional  and 
ignorant  politicians  are  actually  insisting  upon  independence  under  what- 
ever form  without  calmly  considering  the  responsibilities  that  it  brings 
with  it.  They  have  flattered  and  seduced  the  people  into  this  belief,  calling 
us  "traitors"  without  stopping  to  ascertain  that  the  interests  of  our  coun- 
try are  dearer  to  our  hearts  than  to  theirs.  .  .  .  Countrymen,  it  is  not 
given  to  men  to  foretell  what  they  shall  be;  but  of  this  we  may  be  sure, 
that  with  continuous  peace,  universal  education  and  intelligent  patriotism, 
the  glorious  possibilities  of  our  country  will  be  unlimited.1©* 

This,  in  brief,  was  the  effect  of  the  sensational  Clarke  amend- 
ment upon  the  Filipinos.  Notwithstanding  the  glories  which  the 
word  ' '  independence ' '  conveys,  and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  every 
Filipino,  young  and  old,  would  love  to  see  his  country  inde- 
pendent, many  feel  that  to  be  set  adrift  alone  in  the  midst  of 
greedy  nations  is  a  perilous  step  to  take  at  the  present  time. 
The  fear  of  external  aggression  is  dominant  although  at  times 
it  is  concealed  under  the  cloak  of  rosy  optimism.  That  Speaker 
Osmefia  himself,  the  spokesman  of  the  Nacionalista  Party  and  an 
influential  leader  of  his  people,  recognized  this  prevailing  fear 
among  the  inhabitants  is  obvious,  for  he  said:  "There  is  no 
reason  for  alarm.  On  the  contrary,  we  can  and  we  should  look 
to  the  future  with  calm  and  confident  hope."  This  must  be 
obvious  enough  to  every  one  who  understands  the  sentiment  of 
the  Filipino  people.  The  consensus  of  opinion  tells  us  that  while 
the  Filipinos  desire  independence,  they  do  not  desire  to  be  en- 

we  Philippines  Free  Press,  April  8,  1916,  p.  5. 


68 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


tirely  free  in  the  family  of  nations  within  so  short  a  period  as 
the  Clarke  amendment  provides.  That  would  be  too  sudden. 
Independence,  if  granted  at  all  within  four  years,  must  be  under 
a  guarantee  of  neutrality. 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  the  non-partisan  opinion  of  the  younger 
generation,  and  of  the  student  body.  The  young  people  realize, 
the  seriousness  of  independence.  They  realize  that  mere  capa- 
bility for  maintaining  peace  and  order  does  not  constitute  the 
only  indispensable  qualification  of  a  nation  for  independence 
They  are  unanimous  in  asserting  that  it  is  necessary  to  develop 
the  economic  resources  of  their  country  on  the  one  hand  and  to 
raise  the  standard  of  their  civilization  on  the  other.  Then  and 
only  then,  do  they  feel  assured  that  independence  would  be  A 
success  in  the  Philippines. 

Two  other  points  may  be  noted  which  the  young  people  advo- 
cate :  first,  that  the  problem  of  independence  should  be  divorced 
from  politics;  second,  that  the  uninformed  mass  of  the  people 
should  be  educated  in  the  pros  and  cons  of  the  problem  of  inde- 
pendence. This  has  never  been  done  so  far,  and  the  claim  that 
the  people  want  independence  is  based  on  the  assumption  that 
because  their  Representatives  and  Senators  are  for  it  the  voters 
must  be  for  it  too.  It  has  not  been  taken  into  consideration  that 
the  electorate  is  not  responsible  for  the  acts  of  their  representa- 
tives after  they  get  into  office.  Uncolored  by  any  party  affilia- 
tions, the  thoughtful  contributions  of  the  younger  generation  on 
this  national  issue  should  command  serious  consideration.107 

Is  independence  desired  ?  it  may  be  asked.  It  has  been  desired 
and  it  probably  will  be  desired  until  obtained,  but  not  under  the 
terms  of  the  Clarke  amendment.  Independence,  if  it  comes  at 
all,  must  be  conditional,  that  is,  the  freedom  of  the  Philippines 
guaranteed  by  other  nations.  If  the  sensational  Clarke  amend- 
ment produced  such  a  result  as  it  did  in  the  Philippines,  it  clearly 
shows  that  the  Filipinos  do  not  now  desire  it.     Representative 

">T  At  this  time  a  talented  Filipino  student  in  the  United  States  drew  a 
cartoon  (unpublished)  representing  Japan  as  a  reptile  having  already  de- 
voured China,  Korea,  and  Formosa,  and  set  to  uncoil  upon  the  Filipino 
who  jubilantly  carries  his  papers  of  independence  from  Uncle  Sam. 


EFFECT   OF   THE   CLARKE   AMENDMENT 


69 


Jones  and  Mr.  Quezon  put  forth  every  effort  to  secure  a  definite 
period  to  grant  independence,  but  met  a  sad  defeat.  Mr.  Quezon 
was  said  to  be  very  much  disappointed  at  having  failed  to 
achieve  what  was  generally  conceived  to  be  his  special  mission  in 
the  United  States,  and  it  was  asserted  that  his  not  returning  to 
America  as  a  Commissioner  was  due  to  this  failure.  He  is  the 
most  capable  man  for  the  office  and  his  resignation  means  the 
retardation  of  the  national  cause. 

Upon  the  defeat  of  the  Jones  Bill  with  the  amendment  in  the 
House  by  a  vote  of  193  to  151  the  Philippines  Free  Press  said : 

There  may  be  a  perfunctory  cry  of  protest  from  professional  politicians 
about  the  failure  of  the  Clarke  amendment  in  the  house  of  representatives; 
but  we  believe  the  calm  and  considered  judgment  of  the  thinking  element 
among  the  Filipino  people,  unswayed  by  partisan  proclivities,  will  approve 
the  failure.  We  also  believe  the  Filipino  people  are  to  be  congratulated  on 
the  action  taken  by  the  house.ios 

In  the  opinion  of  the  paper  Congress  decided  that  the  "logical 
and  orderly  processes  which  have  marked  the  work  of  the  United 
States  in  these  islands  shall  continue." 

To  the  El  Ideal  the  failure  of  the  Clarke  amendment  was  a 
"painful  disappointment"  but  there  was  no  reason  for  despair. 
La  Democracia,  however,  attributed  the  defeat  to  the  underhand 
means  employed  for  personal  gains.109 

/*  The  bill  which  finally  passed  Congress  and  was  approved  on  \t 
f  August  29,  1916,  was  still  the  Jones  Bill  but  with  the  Clarke  J 
y  ajnendment_and  the  unnecessary  Gronna  amendment  omitted.  /, 
The  victory   caused   quite  an   excitement   in   the  Philippines.   < 
Twenty  thousand  persons  paraded  through  a  crowd  of  forty 
thousand  spectators.    Forty  bands  "competed"  with  each  other 
for  two  solid  hours,  amidst  standards  and  cries  of  "Long  Live 
President  Wilson";  "Long  Live  Governor  General  Harrison"; 
"Long  Live  Congressman  Jones";  "Long  Live  the  United  States 
Congress";  and  "Long  Live  America  —  Magnanimous,   Great 
and  Just." 

Personal  tributes  followed.  To  Governor  General  Harrison 
and  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  were  presented  two 

108  Philippines  Free  Press,  May  6,   1916,  p.  14. 

109  Philippines  Free  Press,  May   6,   1916,  p.   17. 


?'"T 


7Q  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

silver  tablets  in  which  was  inscribed  the  appreciation  of  the 
Filipino  people  "for  their  untiring  and  unselfish  labors  in  behalf 
of  the  Jones  bill."  The  Filipino  statesmen  were  recipients  of 
thousands  of  congratulations.  The  "Quezon  Gate",  the  "Jones 
Bridge",  and  "Harrison  Park"  were  named  to  perpetuate  the 
memory  of  the  friends  of  the  bill.110 

no  Philippines  Free  Press,  August  26,  1916,  p.  5,  September  9,  1916,  p. 
13.  Mr.  Robertson  of  the  Library  of  Congress  has  treated  this  same  sub- 
ject. When  Mr.  Jones  died  the  Philippine  Legislature  appropriated 
$30,000  for  a  monument  over  his  grave. 


IV 
FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE 

The  matter  of  promoting  Filipinos  to  high  executive  and  re- 
sponsible positions  in  the  insular  service  has  been  one  of  the 
burning  problems  during  the  American  rule.  Although  not 
championed  in  political  speeches  this  problem  has  been  felt  in 
the  administration.  That  the  Filipinos  have  always  desired  to 
conduct  their  own  affairs  is  undebatable.  The  Revolution  of 
1896  was  evidence  of  the  conviction  that  in  order  to  establish  a 
government  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Filipino  people  that  govern- 
ment must  be  run  by  Filipinos  themselves.  Disappointed  to  the 
last  degree  with  the  good  but  unfulfilled  promises  of  the  Spanish 
authorities  and  worn  out  by  indescribable  wrongs  and  injustice 
of  the  former  regime,  the  Filipinos  lost  their  trust  and  confidence 
in  any  avowal  made  to  them  by  any  foreign  nation.  This  helped 
to  make  the  Filipinos  bitter  enemies  of  the  United  States.  How- 
ever, the  hopelessness  of  the  struggle  with  the  superior  nation 
forced  them  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  to  accept  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States,  not  because  they  welcomed  the  foreign 
command,  but  because  it  was  inevitable.  Thus,  they  surrendered 
but  their  national  aspiration  to  administer  their  own  affairs  was 
not  in  the  least  discouraged. 

Keeping  this  point  in  mind,  it  can  readily  be  seen  why  the 
desire  for  independence  has  found  expression  on  every  platform 
on  every  occasion.  There  has  been  a  constant  demand  that  the 
United  States  definitely  state  when  the  Islands  should  be  re- 
leased, ignoring  the  difficulty  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
of  making  such  critical  declaration  at  an  early  date.  Neverthe- 
less, it  shows  very  clearly  to  what  degree  the  Filipinos '  sentiment 
of  nationality  had  developed  when  the  Americans  took  the  coun- 
try. Congress,  however,  did  not  see  its  way  clear  to  declare  by 
act  of  legislation  the  purpose  of  the  United  States  regarding  the 

71 


72  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

Philippines,  and  in  the  organic  act  of  July  1,  1902,  it  simply 
approved  the  President's  policy  and  temporarily  provided  for 
the  administration  of  civil  affairs  in  the  Philippines.  The  United 
States  established  in  the  Philippines  a  "Government  by  Filipinos 
aided  and  taught  by  Americans"111  with  the  aim  of  extending 
full  self-government  later  to  the  Filipinos. 

The  policy  of  Filipinization  was  inaugurated  by  President 
McKinley  and  has  been  endorsed  by  succeeding  presidents,  but 
it  has  been  reluctantly  executed  by  most  governors  of  the  Philip- 
pines. Mr.  Taft  endorsed  it  in  his  famous  slogan,  "Philippines 
for  the  Filipinos".  The  first  Philippine  Commission  assured  the 
Filipino  people  that  "the  United  States  is  not  only  willing,  but 
anxious,  to  establish  in  the  Philippine  Islands  an  enlightened 
system  of  government  under  which  the  Philippine  people  may 
enjoy  the  largest  measure  of  home  rule  and  the  amplest  liberty 
consonant  with  the  supreme  ends  of  government  and  compatible 
with  those  obligations  which  the  United  States  has  assumed  to- 
ward the  civilized  nations  of  the  world."112  Specific  instruction 
for  the  fulfillment  of  this  policy  was  given  to  the  United  States 
Philippine  Commission  of  which  Mr.  Taft  was  chairman.  In  his 
instructions  President  McKinley  said :  "  In  all  cases  the  munici- 
pal officers,  who  administer  the  local  affairs  of  the  people,  are  to 
be  selected  by  the  people,  and  that  wherever  officers  of  more 
extended  jurisdiction  are  to  be  selected  in  any  way,  natives  of 
the  islands  are  to  be  preferred,  and  if  they  can  be  found  com- 
petent and  willing  to  perform  the  duties,  they  are  to  receive  the 
offices  in  preference  to  any  others  ....  the  government 
which  they  are  establishing  is  designed  not  for  our  satisfaction 
.  .  .  .  but  for  the  happiness,  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
people  of  the  Philippine  Islands."113  This  general  policy  was 
later  crystallized  into  law  and  became  the  standard  of  adminis- 
tration.    The  Civil  Service  Act,  the  fifth  law  enacted  by  the 

in  House  Documents,  61st  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Document  No.  1261, 
p.  45. 

112  Proclamation  of  the  First  Philippine  Commission,  ' '  To  the  People  of 
the  Philippine  Islands". 

us  Instruction  to  the  Taft  Commission,  April  7,  1900. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  73 

Philippine  Commission,  requires  that  in  the  matter  of  appoint- 
ments preference  should  be  made  to  "Natives  of  the  Philippine 
Islands",  and  to  all  "honorably  discharged  soldiers,  and  sailors 
and  marines  of  the  United  States."114 

How  far  must  the  civil  service  in  the  Philippines  be  American 
and  how  far  Filipino  has  been  the  main  question.  In  the  early 
days  of  the  American  regime  Mr.  Taf  t  announced  that  on  account 
of  the  Filipinos '  unf amiliarity  with  American  methods  and  their 
inability  to  use  the  English  language  it  was  practically  necessary 
to  confine  them  to  subordinate  and  ministerial  positions.115 
From  the  standpoint  of  economy,  to  replace  Americans  with 
Filipinos  is  a  saving  to  the  insular  treasury,  since  high  salaries 
must  necessarily  be  paid  to  Americans  to  induce  them  to  leave 
their  homes.  Those  who  are  affected  by  the  application  of  the 
policy  make  the  strongest  protest,  saying,  "We  are  here  to 
teach.  It  is  ridiculous  to  teach  from  the  pupils'  seat."116 
Branding  Filipinization  as  a  "grave  mistake"  and  overdone  as 
early  as  1907  the  Americans  in  the  Philippines  have  always  op- 
posed the  policy,  on  the  argument  that  to  maintain  an  efficient 
and  clean  administration  in  the  Philippines  Anglo-Saxon  energy 
is  necessary.  Early  appointments  by  the  Philippine  Commission 
of  Filipinos  to  local  executive  offices  met  with  severe  criticism 
from  pro-Americans.117 

THE   TREND  OF  FILIPINIZATION 

Although  the  Filipinization  of  the  civil  service  was  not  carried 
out  in  the  first  few  years  as  rapidly  as  some  Filipinos  wished, 
the  record  shows  that  under  existing  conditions  the  progress 
could  not  have  been  hastened  without  detriment  to  the  general 
welfare.  The  Americans  in  the  Philippine  service  did  not  reach 
an  appreciable  number  until  1903  when  there  were  2,777  or  51 

114  Act  No.  5  of  the  United  States  Philippine  Commission,  See.  19. 

usTaft's  speech  at  the  inauguration  of  the  Philippine  Assembly  in  the 
Cablenews- American,  October  17,  1907,  p.  12. 

118  Cablenews- American,  August  10,  1907,  p.  4. 

iit  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXIII,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  1,  p.  64. 


74  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

per  cent  of  the  entire  force.  These  American  officials  drew  an 
aggregate  salary  of  7,236,700  pesos  or  76  per  cent  of  the  entire 
payroll.  Of  the  total  number  1,998  were  in  the  insular  bureaus, 
585  in  the  service  for  the  city  of  Manila,  43  in  the  judicial  ser- 
vice, and  141  in  the  provinces.  In  the  same  year  2,697  Filipinos 
constituting  49  per  cent  of  the  force,  did  a  considerable  part  of 
the  routine  work  at  an  aggregate  salary  of  2,189,376  pesos  or  23 
per  cent  of  the  total  appropriation  for  salaries.  The  Filipino 
force  was  apportioned  as  follows:  1,186  in  the  insular  service; 
738  in  the  service  of  the  city  of  Manila ;  215  in  the  judicial  ser- 
vice ;  and  552  in  the  provinces.  The  Philippine  Commission  was 
composed  of  five  Americans  and  three  Filipinos  each  having  his 
American  or  Filipino  private  secretary.118 

In  1904  the  percentage  of  Americans  in  the  civil  service  de- 
creased to  49  per  cent  while  that  of  the  Filipinos  increased  to  51 
per  cent.  It  would  appear  from  this  that  the  reduction  of  the 
American  force  was  inaugurated  in  1904,  but  the  fact  is  that  it 
increased  by  16  per  cent  while  that  of  the  Filipinos  increased  by 
25  per  cent.  Three-fourths  of  the  total  salary  of  the  service  was 
paid  to  Americans  and  one-fourth  to  the  Filipinos. 

In  1905  the  Americans  constituted  45  per  cent  of  the  govern- 
ment force  and  the  Filipinos  55  per  cent.  Actually,  however, 
the  American  force  increased  by  2.4  per  cent  against  an  increase 
of  19  per  cent  of  the  Filipinos.119 

This  relative  decrease  of  Americans  in  the  Philippine  govern- 
ment service  continued  with  appreciable  regularity  until  1913. 
The  increasing  percentage  of  Filipinos  was  not  as  much  due  to 
Americans  making  room  for  them  in  the  service  as  to  the  rapid 
increase  of  Filipino  force  in  clerical  positions. 

Worthy  of  note  in  this  connection  is  the  average  salary  of 
Americans  and  Filipinos.  In  1903  the  average  salary  of  Amer- 
ican employees  was  2,605.94  pesos  a  year  and  that  of  Filipinos 
811.76  pesos.  A  gradual  increase  is  noted  until  1915  when  the 
average  salary  paid  to  Americans  was  3,698.49  pesos  and  to  Fili- 

n s  Annual  Report  of  the  Philippine  Civil  Service  Board,  1902,  pp.  68-75. 

us  Annual  Report  of  the  Philippine  Civil  Service  Board,  1904,  p.  87,  1905, 
p.  753. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  75 

* 
pinos  998.17  pesos  a  year  although  the  Director  of  the  Civil  Ser- 
vice had  believed  in  1908  that  the  salaries  paid  to  the  Filipinos 
had  already  reached  their  highest  limit. 

When  the  Philippine  Assembly  was  inaugurated  in  1907, 
2,616  Americans  or  40  per  cent  of  the  entire  service  personnel 
were  drawing  71  per  cent  of  the  salary  appropriations.  In  local 
government  and  in  some  departments  of  the  general  government, 
especially  in  judicial  service,  the  Filipinos  assumed  control  early 
in  the  American  regime.  The  municipalities  have  had  Filipino 
officials  ever  since  the  beginning.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  had  three  Filipino  justices  one  of  whom  was 
the  chief  justice.  Of  the  twenty-one  justices  of  the  Courts  of 
First  Instance,  ten  were  Filipinos.  The  chief  of  the  Bureau  of 
Justice  was  a  Filipino  assisted  by  Filipinos  and  Americans ;  and 
the  Court  of  Land  Registration  was  represented  by  a  Filipino 
and  an  American.  All  the  officials  of  the  provinces  were  Fili- 
pinos, elected  by  the  voters.120 

Although  the  proportion  of  Americans  in  government  service 
decreased  each  year  by  reason  of  the  employment  of  more  Fili- 
pinos than  Americans,  material  reduction  in  the  American  force  I 
did  not  take  place  until  the  inauguration  of  a  Democratic  ad- 
ministration. In  1914  the  percentage  of  Americans  in  the  service 
dropped  from  29  per  cent  in  1913  to  23  per  cent.  Six  hundred 
and  thirty-three  Americans  left  the  Philippine  service  in  1914 
and  920  Filipinos  were  ushered  in.  The  number  of  withdrawals, 
however,  was  not  especially  large  but  the  number  of  Filipinos 
employed  in  1914  was  greater  than  that  in  any  previous  year. 
The  Filipino  force  received  51  per  cent  of  the  salary  appropria- 
tion in  1915.  In  previous  years  the  larger  share  of  the  salary 
appropriation  went  to  the  American  employees.  Progressing  by 
leaps  and  bounds,  the  percentage  of  Filipinos  in  service  as  com- 
pared with  the  total  number  of  employees,  reached  76  in  1918, 
and  for  the  first  time  in  their  history  the  Filipinos  received  an 
average  salary  of  1,047.79  pesos  a  year.  By  1918,  the  Americans 
constituted  only  9  per  cent  of  the  entire  force  at  an  aggregate 
salary  of  24  per  cent  of  the  entire  salary  appropriation. 

120  Governor  Smith's  Message  to  the  First  Philippine  Legislature  in  the 
Cdblenews- American,  October  18,   1907,  p.   13. 


76 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


The  following  table  shows  the  percentage  of  Americans  and 
Filipinos  in  the  Philippine  civil  service  and  their  average  salaries 
from  1903-1918.121 


Table  Showing  the  Percentage  of 

Americans  and  Filipinos  in 

Permanent  Appointive  Positions 

in  the  Philippine  Civil 

Service,   and    Their   Salaries   from    1903 

-1918122 

Year 

Total 
Number  or 
Employees 

Percentage  of 

Total 

Salaries 
(in  Pesos) 

Percentage 
Paid  to 

Average  Salaries 
(in  Pesos) 

Amer- 
icans 

Fili- 
pinos 

Amer- 
icans 

Fili- 
pinos 

Americans 

Filipinos 

1903 

5,474 

51 

49 

9,426,076 

76 

23 

2,605.94 

811.76 

1904 

6,605 

49 

51 

11,596,554 

75 

25 

2,693.92 

868.48 

1905 

7,330 

45 

55 

12,252,162 

73 

27 

2,704.08 

822.70 

1907 

6,518 

40 

60 

11,103,736 

71 

29 

3,008.12 

828.93 

1908 

6,559 

38 

62 

11,436,091 

68 

32 

3,125.95 

903.64 

1909 

7,056 

38 

62 

12,595,950 

68 

32 

3,225.63 

914.03 

1910 

7,272 

36 

64 

13,052,382 

67 

33 

3,325.29 

926.25 

1911 

7,614 

35 

65 

13,623,659 

65 

35 

3,401.00 

937.33 

1912 

8,713 

31 

69 

14,715,299 

63 

37 

3,450.42 

906.37 

1913 

8,986 

29 

71 

15,076,014 

61 

39 

3,524.45 

916.45 

1914 

9,431 

23 

77 

14,715,320 

53 

47 

3,611.75 

955.28 

1915 

9,816 

20 

80 

14,944,320 

49 

51 

3,698.49 

988.17 

1916 

10,455 

17 

83 

14,805,312 

43 

57 

3,686.03 

966.02 

1917 

11,169 

12 

88 

14,361,071 

33 

67 

3,666.88 

969.82 

1918 

10,866123 

9 

91 

15,084,333 

24 

76 

3,913.46 

1,046.79 

FILIPINIZATION  IN  LOCAL  GOVERNMENT 

In  the  provincial  and  municipal  governments,  the  tendency 
has  been  toward  intensive  popular  government  without  much 

121  Compiled  from  the  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1907,  Pt.  1, 
p.  79;  Special  Beport  of  Secretary  of  War  Dickinson,  1910,  pp.  17-19; 
Eighteenth  Annual  Beport  of  the  Bureau  of  Civil  Service,  p.  15. 

122  No  data  for  1906. 

123  Based  on  statistics  for  first  six  months  of  1918. 


FILIPINIZATION  OP  THE  INSULAE  SERVICE 


77 


reference  to  Filipinization,  although  the  same  result  was  at- 
tained. In  the  provinces,  the  executive  officers  formerly  consisted 
of  the  governor,  the  treasurer,  the  supervisor,  and  the  fiscal  or 
prosecuting  attorney.  The  governor,  the  treasurer,  and  the 
supervisor  made  up  the  provincial  board,  the  legislative  body 
of  the  province.  The  governor  was  usually  a  Filipino  and  was 
formerly  elected  by  the  municipal  councils,  but  the  treasurer 
and  supervisor  were  Americans  appointed  by  the  Philippine 
Commission.  The  supervisor  was  always  an  engineer  and  had 
charge  of  public  works.124 

In  1915,  the  provincial  treasurer  ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the 
board,  thus  divorcing  him  from  political  duties.  His  successor 
was  called  the  vocal  and  was  appointed  by  the  Governor  General 
from  among  the  municipal  presidents  in  office.125  In  February, 
1916,  the  members  of  the  provincial  board  heretofore  appointed 
by  the  Governor  General  were  made  elective.126 

Most  of  the  American  high  officials  of  the  provinces  were  as- 
signed to  non-Christian  provinces.  In  Christian  provinces  the 
office  of  treasurer  has  been  the  last  to  be  transferred  to  the  na- 
tives. Of  the  38  provincial  governors  in  1906,  29  were  Filipinos 
and  9  were  Americans.  In  1914  there  were  only  7  American 
governors ;  all  the  rest  were  Filipinos.  In  1914,  before  the  treas- 
urer was  removed  from  the  provincial  board  there  were  18  Amer- 
ican treasurers  as  against  15  Filipinos.  In  1916  the  American 
treasurers  numbered  12,  and  in  1917  only  7  Americans  held  this 
office.127 

The  supervision  over  provinces  and  municipalities  was  for- 
merly exercised  by  the  Governor  General  through  the  executive 
secretary.    Now  the  power  is  exercised  by  the  Secretary  of  In- 

124  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXIII,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  1,  pp.  9,  10. 

125  Act  No.  2501  of  the  Philippine  Legislature.     See  also  Act  No.  2562. 
«6  Act  No.  2586  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

127  Report  of  the  Governor  General,  1916,  p.  112,  1917,  pp.  13,  32;  Report 
of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1906,  Pt.  1,  p.  155;  Report  of  the  Executive 
Secretary,  March  1,  1914,  p.  25  (MS.). 


7g  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

terior  through  the  chief  of  the  executive  bureau,  both  officials 
being  Filipinos.  This  practically  gives  the  Filipinos  absolute 
control  over  their  non-Christian  population.  The  policy  of  the 
central  government  has  been  to  encourage  self-government  in 
provincial  and  municipal  affairs,  always  refraining  from  inter- 
vention unless  by  compulsion.  This  policy  has  afforded  a  whole- 
some training  for  the  officers.  The  Governor  General 's  report  for 
1916  contains  the  following  estimate:  "Whereas,  before  they 
had  to  be  guided  in  every  turn  or  step,  now  their  administration 
is  characterized  by  initiative  and  efficient  actions."128 
PILIPINIZATION  OF  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS 

In  educational  work  Filipinos  have  always  realized  that  execu- 
tive as  well  as  teaching  positions  will  gradually  be  transferred 
to  them  in  the  course  of  time.  In  1902  there  were  790  American 
teachers  in  the  Philippines.  This  number  continued  to  be  ap- 
proximately the  same  for  seven  years  and  then  it  began  to  de- 
cline. In  1915  there  were  only  488  American  teachers.  The 
period  from  1909  to  1915  saw  the  number  of  Filipino  teachers 
increase  from  7,949  to  10,214.  American  teachers  had  to  be  em- 
ployed in  all  branches  of  school  work,  assisted  by  Filipinos  in 
primary  grades  only.  In  1906  there  were  82  Filipinos  teaching 
in  the  intermediate  schools  and  34  in  the  high  schools.  At  this 
time  they  were  assigned  to  supervising  work,  becoming  a  few 
years  later,  industrial  teachers  and  supervisors.  In  the  years 
1907  to  1915  marvellous  progress  has  been  shown.  The  primary 
grades  were  practically  transferred  to  Filipino  teachers  in  1914. 
There  were,  then,  7,556  Filipinos  and  14  Americans  in  the  pri- 
mary grades.  In  the  intermediate  schools  there  were  833  Fili- 
pinos and  104  Americans ;  in  the  secondary  schools  17  Filipinos 
and  175  Americans;  in  industrial  work  726  Filipinos  and  106 
Americans.  In  that  year  there  were  175  Filipino  supervisors 
and  139  American  supervisors.  The  close  of  1915  saw  1,004 
Filipinos  and  92  Americans  in  the  intermediate  schools;  and  in 
the  high  schools  the  number  of  Filipino  teachers  increased  from 
17  in  1907  to  61  in  1915.  As  supervisors  the  Filipinos  out- 
numbered the  Americans  in  the  ratio  of  200  to  120,  and  in  indus- 
trial work  the  ratio  was  713  to  87. 

128  Beport  of  the  Governor  General,  1916,  p.  37. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  79 

The  most  advanced  step  was  made  in  1915  when  one  school 
division  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  Filipino,  Camilo  Osias, 
now  assistant  director  of  education.  Mr.  Osias  is  a  product  of 
the  Philippine  public  schools  and  educated  in  American  univer- 
sities. His  appointment  as  division  superintendent  marks  an 
epoch  in  the  Philippine  educational  work.  In  1916  Honorio 
Poblador  was  appointed  division  superintendent.  Mr.  Poblador 
was  the  first  Filipino  to  become  principal  of  a  high  school  in  the 
Philippines,  and  like  Mr.  Osias  also  a  product  of  the  Philippine 
public  schools.129 

THE  POLICY  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

For  four  presidential  elections  following  1900  the  Philippine 
problem  was  a  leading  issue  in  the  United  States.  In  1900  the 
Democratic  Party  made  "imperialism"  one  of  the  paramount 
issues  in  the  campaign,  and  in  1904  it  attacked  the  administra- 
tive policy  in  the  Philippines.  In  the  two  campaigns  which 
followed  the  Democrats  advocated  early  independence  for  the 
Islands.  The  election  of  President  Wilson  in  1912  with  a  Demo- 
cratic Congress  marked  the  end  of  one  policy  and  the  beginning 
of  another. 

Upon  the  Democratic  Party  fell  the  lot  of  making  the  Philip- 
pine government  one  of  Filipinos  aided  by  Americans.  Mr.  Taft 
is  remembered  in  the  Philippines  for  his  constructive  work; 
Mr.  Wright  for  the  restoration  of  law  and  order ;  Mr.  Smith  for 
his  democratic  spirit;  Mr.  Ide  for  his  currency  and  revenue  sys- 
tems; Mr.  Forbes  for  his  good  roads  policy;  and  Mr.  Harrison 
for  Filipinizing  the  Philippine  service.  Of  all  the  reforms  which 
have  been  effected  under  the  Democratic  regime  in  the  Philip- 
pines the  Filipinization  of  the  insular  service  is  most  significant. 

It  appears  that  the  new  executive  had  already  planned  to 
extend  to  the  Filipinos  the  widest  participation  in  the  adminis- 
tration before  he  reached  the  Islands.  Six  months  after  his  in- 
auguration as  Governor  General  of  the  Philippines  Mr.  Harrison 

129  Sixteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Director  of  Education,  pp.  14,  15 ; 
Philippines  Free  Press,  July  1,  1916,  p.  11. 


g()  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

urged  Congress  to  pass  the  Jones  bill  providing  for  a  more 
autonomous  form  of  government  in  which  the  Filipinos  could 
have  greater  participation  than  before.  The  new  Governor  be- 
lieved that  this  change  was  necessary  to  a  better  understanding 
of  the  two  peoples  and  for  the  good  of  the  administration. 

For  three  successive  years  — 1911,  1912,  and  1913  —  the  two 
houses  of  the  Legislature  failed  to  agree  upon  the  appropriations 
and  the  Governor  General  was  forced  to  declare  the  appropria- 
tion for  1910  operative  for  these  years.  While  the  Philippine 
Assembly  or  lower  house  was  composed  of  Filipinos,  the  Philip- 
pine Commission  or  the  Senate,  which  exercised  the  exclusive 
power  of  originating  the  appropriation  bills,  contained  a  major- 
ity of  Americans.  The  appointment  of  the  fifth  Filipino  to  the 
Philippine  Commission  in  1913  placed  the  Americans  in  the 
minority  in  the  Legislature.  The  appointment  wiped  out  most 
of  the  discords  between  the  two  houses,  and  the  untiring  efforts 
of  the  Philippine  Assembly  to  let  Filipinos  control  their  funds 
seemed  to  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  new  administration. 

As  newly  constituted  the  Philippine  Commission  was  com- 
posed of  the  following  Filipinos :  Justice  Victorino  Mapa  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  Secretary  of  Finance  and  Justice ;  Jaime  C.  De 
Veyra,  former  governor  of  Leyte  and  delegate  to  the  Assembly ; 
Vicente  Ilustre  of  Batangas ;  and  Vicente  Singson,  delegate  from 
Hocos  Sur.  The  American  members  were :  Henderson  E.  Martin 
of  Kansas,  Vice  Governor  and  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction; 
Winfred  T.  Denison,  Secretary  of  the  Interior;  John  L.  Riggs, 
Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Police;  and  Francis  B.  Harrison, 
Governor  General  and  chairman  of  the  Commission. 

The  governor  and  commanding  general  of  the  Moro  Provinces 
in  the  south  retired  and  the  American  regiments  were  withdrawn 
from  the  Moro  land.  To  the  vacancy  thus  created  in  the  execu- 
tive office  Frank  W.  Carpenter,  executive  secretary,  was  as- 
signed. He  was  succeeded  by  Ignacio  Villamor  in  the  executive 
office. 

The  newly  constituted  Commission  seemed  to  work  in  harmony 
with  the  Assembly  in  the  session  of  1913.  In  1914  the  budget 
was  passed  for  the  first  time  in  three  years,  thus  doing  away 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  gj 

with  many  of  the  points  at  issue.  Principal  among  these  was  the 
insistence  of  the  Filipino  Assembly  that  they  exercise  more  con- 
trol over  the  so-called  reimbursible  funds.  Income  producing 
bureaus  of  the  government  were  permitted,  upon  the  discretion 
of  the  chiefs,  to  expend  their  funds.  This  resulted  in  unbearable 
extravagance  in  the  disbursement  of  the  public  money.  Further- 
more, bureaus  which  furnished  supplies  to  other  departments 
would  charge  excessively  in  order  to  make  a  favorable  showing. 
By  the  appropriation  bill  of  January,  1914,  the  income  producing 
bureaus  were  required  to  deposit  their  funds  in  the  insular 
treasury  and  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year  to  return  to  it  all  un- 
expended money. 

The  Filipino  control  of  the  purse  strings  was  a  saving  to  the 
national  treasury  of  some  19  per  cent  of  the  expenditures  for 
1913  or  five  million  pesos.  For  three  years  the  government  ex- 
pended from  two  to  two  and  a  half  millions  of  pesos  in  excess  of 
its  funds.  Bankruptcy  would  have  resulted  but  for  the  reform 
by  the  new  administration.130  What  these  reforms  were  may 
be  noted  at  this  time. 

REFORMS  EFFECTED   BY   THE  NEW  LEGISLATURE 

The  liberal  spirit  of  the  new  administration  produced  harmony 
and  cooperation  in  the  Legislature  and  quickened  its  action. 
This  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  1914  the  Philippine  Assembly 
approved  72  per  cent  of  the  bills  originated  in  the  Commission 
against  30  per  cent  in  1913,  thus  surpassing  the  record  of  pre- 
vious years.131  One  hundred  and  one  bills  were  enacted  into  law 
in  1914  against  69,  86,  and  50  in  the  three  years  immediately  pre- 
ceding. Apprehension  concerning  the  financial  condition  of  the 
insular  treasury  compelled  the  Legislature  to  adopt  drastic  re- 
trenchments which  made  the  new  administration  unpopular 
among  the  pro-Americans  in  the  Islands. 

The  rehabilitation  of  the  treasury  was  accomplished  by  the 
passage  of  the  appropriation  bill  on  January  31,  1914. 132     As 

130  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  pp.  12,  13. 

i3i  See  table  in  Ch.  II. 

132  Act  No.  2319  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

6 


82 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


has  already  been  suggested  it  did  away  with  the  so-called  re- 
imbu/sible  funds,  thus  restricting  the  bureau  chiefs.  It  reduced 
all  salaries  above  6,000  pesos  from  five  to  ten  per  cent.  The 
bureau  of  navigation  which  had  outlived  its  purposes  was  abol- 
ished,138 and  its  functions  were  allotted  to  the  bureaus  of  cus- 
toms and  public  works.  This  was  a  saving  of  400,000  pesos  to  the 
insular  treasury,  and  was  done  without  decreasing  the  efficiency 
of  the  administration.  Other  bureaus  were  consolidated  wher- 
ever possible  for  purposes  of  economy.  Those  affected  by  the 
changes  felt  some  dissatisfaction,  especially  Ihe  Americans  who 
were  practically  compelled  to  make  room  for  Filipinos.  As  a 
result  many  resigned.134 

The  general  appropriation  bill  for  1914  was  the  first  framed 
by  the  Assembly  since  its  creation  in  1907.  Amended  and  re- 
drafted by  the  Commission,  it  was  passed  by  the  Assembly  after 
a  conference.  It  was  a  saving  to  the  insular  treasury  of  some 
two  million  pesos. 

Not  only  in  this  particular  bill  did  the  new  Legislature  demon- 
strate its  capacity  for  legislation.  An  act  was  passed  revising 
and  consolidating  the  laws  relating  to  internal  revenue.135  To 
increase  the  powers  of  the  public  utility  commissioner,  the  act 
creating  the  office  was  amended,  much  to  the  indignation  of  the 
railroads  and  corporations  concerned;136  and  in  order  to  dispose 
more  wisely  of  the  ' '  Friar  Lands ' '  the  Legislature  passed  an  act 
limiting  the  sale  of  this  land  to  sixteen  hectares  to  an  individual 
and  1,024  hectares  to  a  corporation.137  For  a  long  time  each 
hemp  concern  in  the  Philippines  had  its  own  method  of  stand- 
ardizing, to  the  dissatisfaction  of  importers.  This  defect  would 
have  proved  a  loss  to  the  trade  of  the  country  but  for  the  step 
Avhich  the  Legislature  took.  It  passed  a  law  providing  for  the 
inspection,  grading,  and  baling  of  hemp,  maguey  sisal,  and  other 

133  Aet  No.  2308  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

134  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  p.  13;  speeches  of  Manuel 
Quezon  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  September  26  to  October  14,  1914. 

las  Act  No.  2339  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 
136  Act  No.  2362  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 
1ST  Act  No.  2379  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  33 

fibers  of  the  Philippines.138  Of  no  little  importance  to  the  coun- 
try in  general  was  the  act  granting  a  franchise  to  the  Wireless 
Telegraph  Company  of  America  to  establish  and  operate  in  the 
Philippines  sending  and  receiving  stations.139  One  other  act 
deserves  special  mention.  Some  Americans  believed  that  an  anti- 
slavery  law  was  a  dire  need  of  the  Philippines.  A  campaign 
against  the  Filipinos  and  particularly  against  the  Philippine 
Legislature  for  refusing  to  act  upon  it,  was  started  in  the  United 
States.140    The  accusation  proved  to  be  without  foundation  for 

188  Act  No.  2380  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

139  Act  No.  2384  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

140  In  the  April,  1913,  number  of  the  National  Humane  Review  an  article 
was  published  entitled,  "Human  Slavery  Still  Exists  under  the  United 
States  Flag".  The  article  was  chiefly  made  up  of  a  letter  from  Dean  C. 
Worcester,  Secretary  of  Interior  in  the  Philippines,  to  the  president  of  the 
American  Humane  Association,  Dr.  William  O.  Stillman.  Mr.  Worcester, 
basing  his  charge  on  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  insisted  that  the  Philippine  Assembly  proved  its  incapacity  to 
legislate  on  modern  humane  problems  by  refusing  to  pass  a  bill  punishing 
slavery  in  the  Islands. 

Mr.  Worcester  found  no  sympathizers  among  the  American  people  in  the 
Philippines.  In  reply  to  the  article  Justice  James  F.  Tracey,  who  wrote 
the  opinion  of  the  court  on  the  supposed  slavery  question,  said  the  custom 
of  selling  children  was  practiced  by  the  Igorots  but,  in  fact,  it  was  nothing 
more  than  a  contract  for  services.  The  custom  could  not  be  considered  in- 
voluntary servitude  for  it  required  the  consent  or  sufferance  of  the  parents 
or  guardian.  Justice  Tracey 's  opinion  was  that  the  custom  was  like  "an 
indenturing  of  children,  in  accordance  with  custom,  unprotected  by  statu- 
tory safeguards."  The  refusal  of  the  Philippine  Assembly  to  enact  the 
law  can  plainly  be  understood.  The  term  slavery  is  not  understood  in  the 
Philippines  as  it  is  in  the  United  States,  and  if  it  ever  existed  in  the 
Islands  at  all  the  Assembly  did  not  believe  it  was  known  among  the  civil- 
ized portions  of  the  country  and  was  confined  to  the  non-Christian  tribes 
which  are  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  Philippine  Commission  of 
which  Mr.  Worcester  was  a  member.  The  power  of  regulating  the  evil 
practice  therefore  rested  on  the  Philippine  Commission  in  general  and  upon 
Mr.  Worcester  in  particular  because  he  was  the  Secretary  of  Interior  which 
had  charge  of  the  non-Christian  tribes. 

Justice  Tracey  flatly  denied  the  charge  of  "Slaves  Even  in  Manila", 
declaring  that  he  was  "too  well  aware  of  Mr.  Worcester's  skill  as  a 
seasoned  controversialist  to  believe  that  he  has  ventured  upon  a  specific 


g^  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

the  Philippine  Legislature  passed  the  act  prohibiting  slavery,  in- 
voluntary servitude,  and  peonage  in  the  Philippines.141 

It  is  not  necessary  to  rehearse  the  accomplishment  of  the  new 
Legislature  in  which  for  the  first  time  the  Filipinos  assumed  a 
control.  What  has  been  cited  tends  to  show  that  Filipinizing 
the  responsible  positions  is  not,  after  all,  a  disaster  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Filipino  people.  For  the  first  time  in  nine  years  the 
unwieldy  Legislature  which  had  been  working  with  indescribable 
difficulty  proceeded  with  noiseless  speed.  For  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  the  Legislature  an  annual  appropriation  was  ap- 
proved early  in  the  session  of  1914,  and  a  special  session  was  not 
necessary.142 

GOVERNOR  HARRISON'S  POLICY 

Governor  Harrison's  policy  concerning  Filipinization  of  the 
insular  service  was  not  a  novelty  in  the  American  administration 
in  the  Philippines.  His  predecessors  declared  its  wisdom  and 
justice  to  the  Filipino  people.  Whether  the  preceding  governors 
general  of  the  Philippines  saw  it  or  not,  Governor  Harrison 
realized  early  in  his  term  that  the  Filipinos  really  desired  to 
have  a  full  control  of  their  government,  and  that  the  only  way 
to  eliminate  the  jarrings  in  the  governmental  machinery  was  to 
recognize  their  claim.  The  salient  feature  of  the  new  regime 
lies  in  the  liberal  spirit  of  the  administration. 

When  an  administration  incurs  the  opposition  of  the  governed 
it  is  futile  to  continue  the  policy  and  ignore  the  claim  of  the 
populace.    This  seems  to  have  been  the  case  with  the  Filipinos 

assertion  without  holding  some  proof  of  it  in  reserve."  Concluding  his 
reply  Justice  Tracey  said: 

"I  may  be  permitted  to  say  that  while  not  one  of  those  who  think 
Philippine  independence  is  timely  or  tenable  thing  to-day,  I  deplore  the 
creation  of  a  public  opinion  in  this  country  based  on  the  misconception  of 
a  subject  that  truly  needs  all  the  light  that  can  be  shed  on  it  by  men  hold- 
ing official  places." 

See  Justice  Tracey  'a  letter  quoted  by  Mr.  Quezon  in  the  Congressional 
Record,  63rd  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  16218. 

141  Act  No.  2300  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

1*2  Beport  of  tlie  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  pp.  12-14. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  35 

when  the  Democratic  Party  came  into  power.  There  had  devel- 
oped a  sort  of  antagonism  between  some  branches  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  Filipino  people.  In  every  appointment  made  in 
1914,  a  liberal  interpretation  of  the  civil  service  law,  wherever  it 
was  concerned,  was  observed  in  so  far  as  it  did  no  injury  to  the 
service.  Four  considerations  governed  the  initial  changes  of 
1914 :  first,  Filipinization  as  the  policy  of  the  American  adminis- 
tration; second,  reduction  of  force  for  purposes  of  economy; 
third,  dismissals  and  resignations;  fourth,  the  need  of  securing 
the  unqualified  cooperation  of  the  responsible  Filipino  officials. 

Notwithstanding  the  established  policy  of  Filipinizing  the  ser- 
vice, Governor  Harrison  found  more  Americans  in  permanent 
positions  on  July  1,  1913,  than  in  1907  or  1908.  Of  the  thirty- 
one  bureaus  and  offices,  four  had  a  Filipino  as  a  chief.  Fully 
realizing  that  the  success  of  a  department  depends  upon  the 
loyal  cooperation  of  the  bureau  chiefs  Governor  Harrison  as- 
signed Filipinos  to  the  bureaus.  By  December,  1913,  eight  Fili- 
pinos were  placed  as  heads  of  as  many  executive  bureaus. 
American  assistant  chiefs  were  replaced  by  Filipinos  in  the  bu- 
reaus of  health,  internal  revenue,  agriculture,  and  prisons.  In 
the  municipal  board  of  Manila  the  Filipinos  assumed  the  ma- 
jority and  likewise  in  the  council  of  the  city  of  Baguio.  A  Fili- 
pino was  appointed  city  attorney  for  the  city  of  Manila  and  for 
the  first  time  in  history  a  Filipino  became  prosecuting  attorney 
for  the  capital  city.  A  majority  of  positions  in  the  Courts  of 
First  Instance  were  given  to  Filipinos,  besides  an  increased 
number  of  responsible  positions  in  the  provinces. 

The  practice  of  sending  to  the  United  States  for  employees  to 
perform  purely  clerical  positions  was  discontinued  early  in 
Governor  Harrison 's  term.  Concerning  this  phase  of  the  subject 
the  Governor  General  issued  an  executive  order  directing  that 
"when  there  are  names  on  the  proper  eligible  register  of  the 
Bureau  of  Civil  Service  no  appointment  shall  be  made  to  a  posi- 
tion in  the  classified  civil  service  of  a  person  residing  outside  the 
Philippine  Islands,  unless,  after  comment  by  the  appointing  offi- 
cer and  the  Director,  the  Governor  General  shall  decide  that  the 
eligibles  do  not  possess  the  technical  knowledge  and  training  or 


gg  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

other  qualifications  necessary  for  the  position  sought  to  be  filled 
or  that  the  best  interests  of  the  service  require  the  appointment 
of  a  non-resident."143 

This  order  seems  to  find  justification  in  the  statement  by  the 
Director  of  the  Civil  Service  that  "on  account  of  the  increasing 
number  of  better  educated  Filipinos  who  were  able  to  qualify  in 
the  first  and  second  grade  examinations  appointing  officers  have 
almost  ceased  making  appointments  in  Manila  from  the  third 
(lowest)  grade  register  of  eligibles,  and  there  has  been  a  marked 
decrease  in  the  number  of  eligibles  appointed  from  this  register 
in  the  provinces.  For  this  reason  the  third  grade  examination 
was  given  only  once  during  1914." 144 

A  reform  in  the  morale  of  the  Americans  in  the  civil  service 
was  found  imperative.  Notwithstanding  the  executive  order 
which  forbids  government  employees  making  investments  in  the 
Islands  without  permission,  it  had  been  the  practice  of  the  former 
administration  to  grant  it  unreservedly.  The  practice  of  per- 
mitting officials  to  invest  in  the  countries  where  they  are  sent  to 
administer  the  government  has  inevitably  resulted  in  mere  ex- 
ploitation. To  say  nothing  of  the  time  which  such  business 
demands,  the  practice  should  not  be  permitted  because  it  leads  to 
the  befogging  of  judgment  and  thus  corrupts  the  administration. 
To  correct  this  pernicious  tendency  Governor  Harrison  issued 
Executive  Order  No.  103,  December  1,  1913,  regulating  the  prac- 
tice. This  was  followed  by  another  order  prohibiting  Americans 
in  the  service  from  participating  in  American  politics  in  the 
Philippines.145 

Observers  began  to  pass  judgment  on  the  seemingly  radical 
policy  under  the  Democratic  administration.  While  the  Filipino 
press  hailed  Harrison  as  the  "Messiah  who  had  come  to  liberate 
us  from  the  yoke  of  oppression",146  the  American  press  in  the 

143  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  p.  28. 

i-*4  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  p.  28. 

i«  Official  Gazette,  December  17,  1913,  pp.  2201,  2202. 

i*«  The  Manila   Times,  February  28,  1915,  p.  4,  March  26,  1915,  p.  7, 
September  20,  1915,  p.  4. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  37 

Philippines  flayed  the  new  administration.  Basing  its  argument 
on  "experience"  as  the  only  just  cause  for  promotion,  the 
Manila  Times  condemned  the  preamble  of  the  Jones  Law  which 
provides  for  extension  of  the  control  of  government  to  Filipinos. 
Voicing  the  American  opinion,  the  press  in  the  Islands  continues 
to  condemn  the  creation  of  an  elective  Senate  and  especially  to 
the  making  of  appointments  with  its  consent.  On  the  other 
hand  Vice  Governor  Martin  said,  "Let  the  Filipinos  have  the 
jobs."147  Every  time  an  office  was  vacated  through  furloughs 
or  otherwise,  the  Filipino  press  always  took  the  occasion  of  rec- 
ommending a  Filipino  for  the  office. 

CARDINAL  APPOINTMENTS 

As  has  already  been  intimated  the  Philippine  Legislature  be- 
came practically  Filipinized  in  October,  1913,  upon  the  appoint- 
ment of  Victorino  Mapa  as  a  member  of  the  Philippine  Commis- 
sion and  as  Secretary  of  Finance  and  Justice.  The  vacancy  thus 
created  in  the  Supreme  Court  by  his  resignation  was  filled  by 
Manule  Araullo,  president  of  the  Code  Committee.148 

Following  his  announced  policy  of  giving  the  Filipino  people 
a  directing  control  in  their  affairs,  Governor  Harrison  inaugu- 
rated the  plan  of  appointing  Filipinos  in  the  executive  bureaus. 
Some  of  the  most  notable  changes  so  made  took  place  in  the 
bureau  of  lands  and  in  the  bureau  of  health  of  the  Department 
of  the  Interior.  A  special  situation  in  the  bureau  of  lands  de- 
manded a  drastic  change.  The  Filipino  people  have  always  been 
opposed  to  the  selling  of  the  friar  lands  in  large  lots  to  corpora- 
tions. It  appears  that  Charles  H.  Sleeper,  the  director  of  the 
bureau,  had  repeatedly  made  such  sales  according  to  the  policy 
of  the  former  administration.  As  a  solution  to  this  problem, 
Governor  Harrison  requested  the  resignation  of  the  American 
director  and  placed  Manuel  Tinio,  then  director  of  the  bureau  of 
labor,  in  charge.  The  theory  was  that  the  Filipino  people  should 
be  given  the  control  of  their  lands.    Mr.  Tinio  resigned  the  fol- 

147  The  Manila  Times,  March  28,  1915,  p.  1,  April  23,  1915,  p.  1,  Sep- 
tember 25,  1915,  p.  4. 

1*8  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  p.  23. 


gg  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

lowing  year  and  Rafael  Corpus,  then  the  Solicitor  General  of  the 
Philippine  government,  was  assigned  to  the  position.  Mr.  Tinio  's 
resignation  was  caused  by  a  charge  that  he  had  made  illegal 
grants  of  homesteads,  and  those  who  opposed  the  appointment 
spread  the  rumor  in  Manila.  Informal  and  official  investiga- 
tions proved  the  charge  unfounded.  Walter  E.  Jones,  provincial 
treasurer  of  Pangasinan,  was  appointed  assistant  chief  to  the 
bureau  of  lands.  It  is  reported  that  Mr.  Corpus  succeeded  in 
establishing  good  relations  between  Americans  and  Filipinos  in 
the  bureau.149 

The  resignation  of  Dr.  Victor  G.  Heiser  from  the  directorship 
of  the  bureau  of  health  promoted  Dr.  J.  D.  Long,  assistant  di- 
rector to  the  office,  to  the  directorship.  Dr.  Vicente  de  Jesus, 
for  twelve  years  in  the  staff  of  the  bureau,  was  promoted  to  the 
assistant  directorship. 

By  Act  No.  2307  of  the  Philippine  Legislature,  the  Board  of 
Public  Utility  Commissioners  supplanted  the  Board  of  Rate 
Regulation,  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  railroad  corporations. 
The  chairman  appointed  was  Mariano  Cui  who  was  judge  of  a 
Court  of  First  Instance  for  six  years.  Stephen  Bonsai  and  Clyde 
A.  Dewitt  composed  the  membership  of  the  Board. 

Some  changes  were  made  in  the  bureau  of  justice.  Upon  the 
resignation  of  John  J.  Pershing  in  December,  1913,  as  governor 
of  the  Moro  Province,  Executive  Secretary  Frank  W.  Carpenter 
was  appointed  to  the  post.  Ignacio  Villamor  was  made  executive 
secretary,  leaving  his  office  as  Attorney  General  to  Ramon  Avan- 
cenia,  of  the  Court  of  First  Instance.  After  serving  seventeen 
months  as  executive  secretary  Mr.  Villamor  resigned  to  accept 
the  presidency  of  the  University  of  the  Philippines.  Solicitor 
General  George  R.  Harvey  became  judge  of  the  Court  of  First 
Instance  and  Rafael  Corpus  was  assigned  to  his  place. 

It  was  always  believed  that  the  bureau  of  agriculture  should  be 
Filipinized  more  rapidly  than  any  other  bureau  for  it  is  so 
closely  connected  with  the  life  of  the  Filipino  people.  A  decisive 
step  toward  this  goal  was  made  by  the  appointment  of  Adriano 

149  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  pp.  18,  19,  98. 


FTLIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  §9 

Hernandez,  formerly  governor  of  Iloilo,  to  assistant  director- 
ship.150 

Perhaps  Filipinization  proceeded  with  unequal  pace  in  the 
bureau  of  forestry.  In  1915,  95  per  cent  of  the  administrative 
force  were  Filipinos.  Of  the  eleven  forest  districts  in  the  Philip- 
pines nine  were  in  the  charge  of  Filipinos  and  all  subordinates 
were  Filipinos.151 

These  are  some  of  the  appointments  which  early  in  Governor 
Harrison's  term  in  the  Philippines  aroused  bitter  criticisms 
among  his  countrymen,  who  charged  that  the  new  administration 
had  granted  independence  to  Filipinos  before  Congress  had  an 
opportunity  to  act  upon  the  matter.152  From  January  1  to  May 
13, 1914,  316  Americans  left  the  Philippine  service.  Of  these  94 
were  due  to  reduction  of  force  for  purposes  of  economy,  210  were 
voluntary  resignations,  and  the  rest  for  various  reasons.  In 
April  alone,  82  Filipinos  were  appointed  to  office  as  compared 
with  5  Americans  and  162  Filipinos  were  promoted  against  31 
Americans  in  different  bureaus  of  the  government.153  During 
the  fiscal  year  1914,  633  or  29y2  per  cent  of  the  American  force 
were  withdrawn  from  the  service  as  follows:  478  resigned  on 
their  own  volition ;  127  resigned  as  a  result  of  reduction  of  force ; 
18  were  removed  for  cause ;  and  10  died.  During  the  first  eight- 
een months  of  the  new  administration,  from  January  1,  1913,  to 
July  1,  1914,  807  Filipinos  were  added  to  the  Philippine  service 
to  say  nothing  of  113  telegraph  operators  in  the  bureau  of 
posts.154  Ninety-three  persons  were  employed  from  the  United 
States  in  1914,  of  whom  45  were  teachers  and  the  rest  officers 
and  technical  experts.  The  importation  of  clerks  was  discon- 
tinued. 

THE   OSMENA   RETIREMENT   ACT 

The  Osmena  Retirement  Act  passed  February  4,  1916,  is  effect- 

150  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  pp.  17,  18,  22,  23. 
i5i  The  Manila  Times,  February  28,  1915,  p.  8. 

152  Cablenews- American,  June  6,  1914,  p.  4. 

153  Cablenews- American,  May  13,  1914,  p.  5. 

154  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  pp.  28,  29. 


90  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

ing  intensive  Filipinization  of  the  Philippine  service.  For  years 
Filipinization  of  the  civil  service  had  been  slow.  There  was  no 
inducement  by  which  American  employees  might  be  persuaded 
to  leave  their  good  positions  in  the  Islands.  Arguing  on  the 
subject  of  Filipinization  in  1914,  Mr.  Quezon,  then  Resident 
Commissioner  at  Washington,  said:  "The  debate  would  then 
turn  simply  upon  the  abstract  desirability  of  protecting  Amer- 
ican office  holders  in  the  Philippines.  There  can  be  no  doubt  as 
to  how  it  would  eventuate."155  It  was  an  opportune  time  for 
such  a  measure.  During  the  years  1914,  1915,  and  1916,  while 
the  Philippine  autonomy  bill  was  pending  in  Congress,  a  civil 
pension  had  become  a  vital  problem  in  official  circles,  especially 
among  the  Americans  who,  upon  the  passage  of  the  bill,  would 
practically  be  compelled  to  retire  by  virtue  of  the  provisions  of 
the  act. 

The  retirement  act  concerns  those  officers  and  employees  who 
are  regularly  and  permanently  appointed  to  the  Philippine  ser- 
vice. Upon  his  own  initiative,  an  officer  of  this  class  who  has 
rendered  faithful  service  for  at  least  six  years  may  apply  to  the 
Governor  General  for  retirement  under  the  provisions  of  the 
law.  Action  upon  the  application  is  at  the  discretion  ~  of  the 
chief  executive  and  depends  upon  the  exigencies  of  the  service. 
It  must  be  filed  before  July  1, 1916.  The  amount  of  the  gratuity 
varies  from  60  per  cent  of  the  year's  salary  for  six  years'  service 
to  one  full  year's  gratuity  for  ten  years'  service  or  more,  payable 
in  monthly  installments.  It  has  always  been  realized  that  the 
salary  paid  to  Americans  is  too  large  for  the  Philippine  treasury, 
but  it  was  considered  necessary  in  order  to  induce  them  to  enter 
the  Philippine  service. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  this  expensive  arrange- 
ment the  law  provides  that  except  in  the  judiciary,  and  except 
where  the  emergency  board  recommends  the  continuance  of  the 
office  a  position  so  vacated  shall  be  considered  abolished  ipso 
facto,  but  if  it  has  to  be  maintained  the  compensation  shall  be 
decreased  by  one-third.  To  safeguard  the  Philippine  treasury 
the  act  provides  that  an  officer  retired  under  its  terms  shall  not 

i&«  The  Filipino  People,  September,  1914,  p.  15. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE 


91 


be  re-appointed  to  the  service  of  the  Philippine  government,  and 
if  re-instated  he  shall  refund  the  gratuities  granted  to  him  and 
waive  all  claim  for  retirement  under  the  provisions  of  the  act. 
For  three  years  at  least  his  salary  shall  not  exceed  the  salary 
paid  to  him  when  he  retired. lSB 

These  are  the  provisions  of  the  pension  act  which  concerned 
most  of  the  Americans  in  the  Philippine  civil  service.  In  1916 
the  Governor  General  reported  that  "There  are  500  Americans 
in  the  service  not  eligible  for  retirement  under  the  terms  of  Act 
No.  2589  who  will  have  rendered  from  three  to  seven  years  of 
service  at  the  end  of  1917.  "157  There  were  in  July,  1916,  1,730 
Americans  in  the  Philippine  civil  service.158  The  eligibles  there- 
fore numbered  1,230.  The  Governor  General  reports  that  in 
1916,  1,064  Americans  applied  for  retirement  under  the  act  and 
all  but  fifty  were  granted  a  total  gratuity  of  1,053,357  pesos. 

While  the  policy  adopted  is  not  intended  to  retire  Filipinos 
from  the  service  except  for  physical  reasons,  sixty-one  retired 
under  the  provisions  of  the  act  at  a  total  gratuity  of  66,022 
pesos.169  In  1917,  187  Americans  and  28  Filipinos  were  retired 
at  a  total  outlay  of  1,928,517  pesos ;  and  in  January,  1918,  there 
were  still  440  Americans  who  were  entitled  to  leave  the  service 
under  the  act.160 

Whether  the  retirement  act  was  merely  an  expression  of  liber- 
ality on  the  part  of  the  Philippine  government  toward  its  faith- 
ful servants,  or  one  of  its  many  reforms  toward  economy,  the 
dominant  result  is  the  Filipinization  of  the  civil  service.  At- 
tendant circumstances  encouraged  many  Americans  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  act.  First,  on  account  of  the  war  into  which  the 
United  States  was  on  the  point  of  entering,  the  Americans  in  the 
Philippines  were  eagerly  awaiting  the  call  to  the  colors.     To 

is«  Act  No.  2589  of  the  Philippine  Legislature, 
is?  Beport  of  the  Governor  General,  1916,  p.  -9. 

158  Seventeenth  Annual  Beport  of  the  Bureau  of  Civil  Service,  1916,  p. 
23. 

"»  Beport  of  the  Governor  General,  1916,  p.  9. 
leo  Beport  of  the  Governor  General,  1917,  p.  11. 


92 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


leave  the  Philippine  service  under  the  provision  of  the  act  was 
only  sound  economic  foresight.  Secondly,  the  agitation  for  inde- 
pendence in  connection  with  the  Jones  Bill  which  was  pending 
in  Congress  contributed  very  largely  to  the  uncertainty  of  Amer- 
ican officials  in  the  Philippine  government.  As  a  result,  many 
tendered  their  resignations  and  the  number  of  Filipinos  in- 
creased to  10,866  in  1918,  a  net  increase  of  2,000  since  the  pas- 
sage of  the  act.  The  number  of  Americans  dwindled  from  1,730, 
in  1916,  to  948,  in  1918.  Expressed  in  percentages,  29  per  cent 
of  the  American  employees  resigned  in  1916,  32  per  cent  in  1917, 
and  41  per  cent  in  1918.161 

TEANSFER  TO  FEDERAL  SERVICE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Another  measure  adopted  by  the  new  administration  which 
tended  to  encourage  American  withdrawals  from  the  Philippine 
service  was  the  greater  opportunity  for  transferring  from  service 
in  the  Islands  to  similar  positions  in  the  Federal  service  at  home. 
In  previous  years  Americans  who  withdrew  from  the  Philippine 
service  had  to  seek  other  positions  because  the  places  they  left 
had  been  filled.  It  would  be  but  just  to  faithful  service  in  the 
Philippines  to  place  the  returning  officials  in  the  Federal  service. 
In  1914  President  "Wilson  modified  this  rule.  The  three  years' 
service  which  by  contract  must  be  rendered  in  the  Philippines 
was  reduced  to  two  years  and  in  case  of  separation  from  the 
island  service  due  to  Filipinization  or  other  reduction  of  Amer- 
ican force,  an  employee,  through  the  agency  of  the  Bureau  of 
Insular  Affairs,  would  be  re-instated  in  a  similar  position  in  the 
United  States,  although  sometimes  at  a  considerably  less  sal- 


ary 


162 


A  COMMON  ASPIRATION 


From  the  standpoint  of  the  administration,  the  policy  of 
placing  Filipinos  in  the  civil  service  is  supported  by  two  consid- 
erations :  first,  it  is  justice  to  the  Filipino  people  who  are  entitled 
to  a  directing  voice  in  their  government ;  second,  it  is  an  economy 

lei  Nineteenth  Annual  Beport  of  the  Bureau  of  Civil  Service,  pp.  16,  17. 
162  Beport  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  p.  29. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  93 

to  the  treasury.  From  the  standpoint  of  the  Filipino  people  as 
a  whole  the  policy  is  important  for  other  reasons.  In  order  to 
fully  appreciate  the  characteristic  of  the  Filipino  people  of 
which  the  peaceful  movement  for  Filipinizing  the  government  is 
an  expression,  it  is  essential  to  portray  first  the  status  of  the 
Filipinos  at  the  beginning  of  the  American  occupation  and  then 
to  relate  their  attitude  toward  the  American  rule. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  Filipinos  have  never  gained  the 
full  sympathy  of  the  American  people.  The  general  attitude  of 
the  American  people  toward  the  Filipinos  has  never  changed 
one  whit  since  Dewe3r's  victory  in  Manila  Bay.  This  is  not  en- 
tirely the  fault  of  the  credulous  American  public,  for  the  Philip- 
pines have  been  grossly  misrepresented.  Furthermore,  in  the 
midst  of  colossal  problems  with  which  that  vast  commonwealth 
is  confronted,  the  Philippines  are  but  an  insignificant  atom. 
They  occupy  only  the  minor  attention  of  Congress.  The  Amer- 
ican people  have  not  fully  realized  that  the  Filipinos,  although 
broken  up  into  "tribes"  seemingly  diverse  from  each  other,  had, 
under  the  oppression  of  the  Spaniards,  developed  a  national 
spirit  to  an  appreciable  degree.  This  spirit  has  been  expressed 
in  many  ways  —  in  the  Revolution  against  Spain  in  which  the 
Filipino  people  decided  to  run  their  own  government ;  in  the  war 
against  the  United  States ;  and  in  the  so-called  guerrilla  warfare. 
Of  late  the  national  feeling  has  been  expressed  in  the  aspiration 
to  gain  the  fullest  control  of  the  administrative  affairs.  A  direct 
protest  against  the  American  rule  may  not  have  been  made,  and 
the  Filipinos  may  have  appeared  well  contented  with  what  has 
been  conceded  to  them,  but  in  their  hearts  they  yearn  for  a 
Filipino  government.  The  mere  thought  of  a  Filipino  nation 
generates  a  pride  which  every  Filipino  old  and  young  loves  to 
cherish ;  and  although  an  American  protectorate  may  have  been 
desired  by  a  few,  the  Filipinos  have  continued  to  aspire  to  na- 
tional independence.  Every  American  who  has  been  in  the 
Islands  has  found  that  although  a  Filipino  may  not  favor  im- 
mediate independence  he  usually  expresses  a  desire  for  inde- 
pendence in  the  future.  This  feeling  can  not  be  crushed:  it 
gains  deeper  roots  every  day,  as  the  civilization  of  the  Filipino 


94  SELF-GOVEKNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

people  advances.  It  was  this  longing  for  independence  which,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  generals,  made  the  Filipinos  in  1900  friends 
during  the  day  but  bitter  enemies  during  the  night.  American 
officials  have  acknowledged  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  conces- 
sion of  a  Filipino  Assembly  in  1902,  the  bush  warfare  would 
have  continued ;  and,  strictly  speaking,  peace  was  not  attained  in 
the  Islands  until  1916,  when  Congress  granted  the  Filipinos 
control  of  their  Senate. 

On  this  subject  of  national  "opposition"  against  the  Amer- 
ican rule,  the  military  and  the  civil  officers  in  the  Philippines 
have  differed  since  1900.  By  virtue  of  their  occupation,  the 
military  authorities  realized  the  unity  of  the  Filipino  people  in 
the  early  days  of  the  American  regime,  amounting  always  to  the 
desire  for  a  government  by  Filipinos.  In  an  interview  with  a 
prominent  Filipino  who  was  neither  a  politician  nor  a  soldier 
but  a  man  of  property  and  of  culture,  an  army  official  relates  his 
experience.  Referring  to  the  rights  of  the  Filipino  people  to  a 
separate  government  the  Filipino  rose  and  with  the  most  em- 
phatic gesture  exclaimed:  "I  am  not  a  Spaniard,  I  am  not  an 
American,  I  am  not  a  Filipino  —  what  am  1 1 "  "■  This  state- 
ment, declared  the  officer,  expressed  the  yearning  of  the  ten  mil- 
lion Filipinos  in  1901.  That  yearning,  it  must  be  added,  has  not 
waned  in  the  least.  Untold  sacrifice  has  but  added  to  it ;  precious 
lives  have  been  dedicated  to  the  national  sentiment;  and  it  can 
not  be  ignored.  The  lessons  learned  from  the  extreme  sacrifice 
which  the  Filipino  hero  made  in  1896  will  forever  tie  the  Fili- 
pino people  into  one  people.  It  was  this  feeling  of  national  pride, 
and  not  the  fact  that  he  was  an  agitator,  which  made  Mabini 
refuse  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  it 
is  this  same  pride  which  made  Pio  del  Pilar  violate  his  oath  of 
allegiance.  While  in  exile  in  the  island  of  Guam,  Mabini  said, 
"I  cannot  give  up  to  the  idea  that  others  shall  legislate  for  me 
and  my  people  and  in  so  doing  govern  us.  It  is  better  for  me  to 
die  in  exile  than  to  prostitute  my  conscience. ' ' 164    Mabini  is  one 

i«3  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XX,  Document  No. 
273,  pp.  19,  20. 

!«•*  The  Manila  American,  July  15,  1902,  p.  4. 


REFORMS  UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT 


95 


of  the  ablest  leaders  who  have  struggled  to  defend  the  Filipinos 
as  a  people.  This  statement  meets  with  the  approval  and  the 
united  support  of  the  Filipinos  to-day. 

Whether  the  Filipinos  will  be  able  to  maintain  a  stable  govern- 
ment of  their  own  or  not  remains  yet  to  be  seen,  but  the  fact 
remains  that  they  yearn  for  a  government  of  the  Philippines  by 
the  Filipinos.  It  is  this  yearning  which  is  behind  the  movement 
of  Filipinizing  the  government  service. 

ECONOMIC  PREJUDICE 

Closely  associated  with  the  other  arguments  for  the  Filipiniza- 
tion  of  the  civil  service  is  the  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  Filipinos 
that  they  have  been  subjected  to  unnecessary  discrimination  in 
the  matter  of  compensation.  A  Filipino  newspaper  expressed 
this  feeling  when  it  declared  that  while  the  Americans  get  ' '  fab- 
ulous salaries  the  Filipinos  get  the  crumbs".1'65  Despite  their 
prolonged  training  in  civil  service,  the  Filipinos  have  always 
been  in  subordinate  positions,  making  the  situation,  says  one 
newspaper,  a  burlesque  and  a  "painful  contradiction  for  those 
who  have  faith  in  the  improvement  promised. ' '  It  appears  that 
despite  the  uniform  rule  of  civil  service  there  is  one  set  of  rules 
governing  the  appointment  of  Americans  and  another  set  govern- 
ing the  appointment  of  Filipinos.  Although  a  Filipino  may  have 
passed  the  same  civil  service  examination  the  same  as  an  Amer- 
ican the  salaries  of  the  two  are  most  unequal.  The  situation 
appears  to  be  made  doubly  unjust  to  Filipino  employees  by  the 
rapid  promotion  of  the  Americans.  Each  year  each  American 
bureau  chief  submits  a  large  estimate  of  expenditures  and  creates 
superior  offices  for  Americans  and  only  inferior  ones  for  Fili- 
pinos. What  is  the  secret  of  the  Philippine  administration,  mur- 
mur the  Filipinos  in  the  service.  Is  it  based  on  the  theory  that 
"birds  must  be  fed"?166  Such  thoughts  as  these  present  them- 
selves to  the  mind  of  the  Filipino  people.    The  problem  becomes 

i«s  Quoted  in  the  Cablenews- American,  May  22,  1907,  p.  4. 

loo  This  phrase  was  uttered  by  a  man  who  has  been  in  the  United  States 
Senate  for  sixteen  years.  Referring  to  the  intention  of  the  United  States 
in  the   Philippines   the  Senator  told   the   author  that    the   United   States 


96  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

the  topic  of  private  discussions  —  on  the  way  from  the  office,  and 
at  the  table. 

A  glance  over  the  table  presented  elsewhere  in  this  chapter 
supports  the  statements.  This  is  one  of  the  many  things  which 
made  the  Filipino  people  present  formal  petitions  for  reform.167 
On  the  occasion  of  his  official  visit  to  the  Philippine  Islands  in 
1910  Secretary  of  War  Dickinson  received  numerous  petitions 
from  the  citizens  among  which  were  the  following :  eight  petitions 
for  an  elective  Senate;  six  petitions  for  Filipinization  of  the 
civil  service;  two  petitions  for  a  Filipino  Vice  Governor;  two 
petitions  for  equalization  of  salaries  between  Americans  and 
Filipinos;  and  two  petitions  for  an  equal  number  of  Americans 
and  Filipinos  as  secretaries.  These  petitions  were  presented  to 
the  Secretary  at  public  hearings  where  the  citizens  presented 
their  claims.  Municipal  councils,  municipal  presidents,  provin- 
cial boards,  and  prominent  citizens  were  the  sponsors  of  the 
several  petitions.168 

The  political  education  and  training  of  the  Filipinos  rests  in 
the  hands  of  the  Governor  General.  As  the  representative  of 
America  he  can  be  liberal  or  conservative.  The  interpretation  of 
the  civil  service  rule  depends  largely  on  the  Governor. 

Second  to  the  Jones  Act  which  granted  the  Filipino  people 
full  control  of  their  Legislature,  Filipinization  should  be  counted 
a  salient  feature  in  the  Democratic  administration  in  the  Philip- 
pines. The  changes  in  staff  which  ordinarily  follow  the  victory 
of  a  party  coupled  to  the  passage  of  the  Jones  Act  in  1916  which 

would  never  let  the  Islands  go,  first  because  of  the  love  of  power,  second 
because  of  "the  theory  that  birds  must  be  fed." 

See  also  Cablenews- American,  May  29  and  31,  1907. 

Petition  of  the  Naeionalista  Party  in  Special  Report  of  Secretary  of  War 
Dickinson,  1910,  pp.  80,  85.  For  the  same  cause  the  Progresista  Party 
joined  in  the  petition  to  the  Secretary. 

i«"  The  Manila  Times,  June  28,  1915,  p.  1. 

i«s  Special  Beport  of  Secretary  of  War  Dickinson,  1910,  Appendix  A 
B  D,  and  pp.  45,  56,  57.  For  testimonies  bearing  on  the  subject  see  Beport 
of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1900,  Vol.  I,  pp.  342,  644;  Senate  Documents, 
57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XVI,  Document  No.  187,  p.  2. 


FILIPINIZATION  OF  THE  INSULAR  SERVICE  97 

guarantees  Filipinization  of  the  civil  service,  and  added  to  all 
these  the  reforms  which  the  Legislature  effected,  have  made  the 
Democratic  administration  in  the  Philippine  Islands  very  un- 
popular among  the  Americans  who  have  been  in  the  Philippine 
service  since  1900.  The  Filipinos,  however,  have  not  seen  any 
reason  for  regret  in  the  Democratic  administration. 

Through  the  peaceful  process  of  Filipinization  the  Filipinos 
have  attained  practical  independence.  Except  the  Governor 
General  the  high  American  officials  in  the  Philippines  to-day 
hold  non-political  positions,  that  is  to  say,  positions  which  neces- 
sitate no  participation  in  politics.  In  former  years  the  Philippine 
government  was  one  of  Americans  aided  by  Filipinos,  to-day  it 
is  a  government  by  Filipinos  advised  by  a  few  Americans. 


EXECUTIVE  REFORMS  UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT 

Those  who  have  followed  the  conditions  in  the  Philippines 
during  the  last  twelve  years  must  have  realized  that  the  organic 
act  of  July  1,  1902,  had  outlived  its  usefulness  by  1913.  The 
popularly  elected  Filipino  Assembly  and  the  appointive  Amer- 
ican-Filipino Commission  worked  together  for  only  three  short 
years,  and  then  followed  the  irreconcilable  deadlocks  for  three 
successive  years.  Had  not  President  Wilson  appointed  the  fifth 
Filipino  to  the  Commission  and  so  secured  a  Filipino  majority, 
untold  difficulties  would  have  ensued. 

The  framework  created  by  the  organic  act  of  July  1,  1902,  was 
a  peculiar  bicameral  system.  The  Philippine  Commission  was 
appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  responsible 
to  him.  As  the  Senate  of  the  Legislature  it  had  the  exclusive 
power  of  drafting  the  appropriation  bill.  The  Filipino  members 
were  more  or  less  honorary  for  they  held  no  portfolio.  The  four 
executive  departments  were  distributed  among  the  American 
members  of  the  Commission.  Furthermore,  the  Commission  had 
exclusive  power  over  the  non-Christian  provinces  which  consti- 
tute one-third  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago.  The  Philippine 
Assembly  was  popularly  elected  and  was  a  Filipino  body.  As 
such  it  was  responsible  to  the  Filipino  people  whom  it  represent- 
ed. In  spite  of  this  it  had  no  power  to  originate  appropriation 
bills,  nor  any  jurisdiction  over  certain  portions  of  the  Philippine 
Islands. 

Under  this  anomaly,  it  may  be  seen  that  discord  was  almost 
inevitable,  especially  when  it  is  taken  into  consideration  that  the 
Assembly  has  persistently  made  efforts  to  take  over  the  financial 
initiative  in  matters  of  drafting  the  budget.  The  Jones  Act  of 
August  29,  1916,  eliminated  many  causes  of  disagreements.  Its 
preamble  is  worthy  of  notice : 

98 


REFORMS  UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT  99 

Whereas  it  was  never  the  intention  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  in 
the  incipiency  of  the  War  with  Spain  to  make  it  a  war  of  conquest  or  for 
territorial  aggrandizement;    and 

Whereas  it  is,  as  it  has  always  been,  the  purpose  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  withdraw  their  sovereignty  over  the  Philippine  Islands 
and  to  recognize  their  independence  as  soon  as  a  stable  government  can  be 
established  therein;  and 

Whereas  for  the  speedy  accomplishment  of  such  purpose  it  is  desirable 
to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  people  of  the  Philippines  as  large  a  control  of 
their  domestic  affairs  as  can  be  given  them  without,  in  the  meantime,  im- 
pairing the  exercise  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  in  order  that,  by  the  use  and  exercise  of  popular  franchise  and 
governmental  powers,  they  may  be  better  prepared  to  fully  assume  the 
responsibilities  and  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  complete  independence.!" 

The  preamble  is  significant  in  two  respects :  first,  it  embodies 
the  definite  purpose  of  the  United  States  in  the  Philippines; 
second,  it  declares  in  the  most  solemn  words  the  heretofore  well 
accepted  policy  of  extending  to  the  Filipino  people  the  responsi- 
bility for  their  domestic  affairs.  From  the  standpoint  of  the 
Filipino  people  the  preamble  is  of  greatest  moment,  surpassing 
in  importance  the  provision  granting  an  effective  Senate.  While 
the  bill  was  pending  in  Congress  the  point  of  contention  between 
the  American  and  Filipino  press  in  the  Philippines  was  the  pre- 
amble. The  administration  was  provisional  as  expressed  in  the 
words  of  the  organic  act:  "Temporarily  to  provide  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  affairs  of  the  civil  government".  That  this 
uncertainty  proved  an  economic  loss  to  the  Islands  by  keeping 
away  capital  that  might  otherwise  have  developed  the  resources 
of  the  country  has  been  admitted.  This  is  one  of  the  reasons  why 
the  Filipino  people  through  their  popular  Assembly  have  always 
insisted  on  some  specific  statement  from  Congress. 

The  preamble  is  also  significant  in  that  it  extends  to  the  Fili- 
pino people  responsibility  for  their  domestic  affairs  in  order  that 
they  may  as  soon  as  possible  fit  themselves  for  -complete  inde- 
pendence. In  other  words,  it  is  the  policy  of  Filipinization  of 
the  Philippine  service  expressed  by  law.  This  provision  was  a 
source  of  great  satisfaction  to  the  Filipino  people. 

169  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Oh.  416. 


100 


SELF-GOVEKNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


IMPOKTANT  FEATUKES  OF  THE  JONES  ACT 


From  the  point  of  view  of  Philippine  administration  the 
organic  act,  known  as  the  Jones  Bill,  is  one  of  the  best  pieces  of 
legislation  which  Congress  has  ever  drafted.  The  first  advantage 
to  be  noted  is  the  broad  delegation  of  powers  to  the  Philippine 
Legislature.  General  legislative  powers  are  conferred  upon  the 
Philippine  Legislature  which,  at  its  discretion,  may  alter  or 
amend  many  of  the  laws.  As  the  law-making  body  of  the  country, 
it  may  pass  laws  governing  the  properties  and  rights  acquired  by 
the  United  States  in  the  Philippines.170  Restrictions  are  made 
concerning  the  laws  on  tariff,  public  lands,  immigration,  and 
currency.  Before  these  laws  can  be  enforced  they  must  be  ap- 
proved by  the  President.  Furthermore,  no  duties  may  be  levied 
on  exports  from  the  Philippines.171  All  expenses  which  may  be 
incurred  by  the  administration  must  be  paid  by  the  Philippine 
treasury  except  those  expenses  which  the  United  States  incurs 
for  defenses  and  works  for  the  exclusive  use  of  the  army  and 
navy.  The  Philippine  Legislature  has  power  to  fix  the  salaries 
of  the  officials  and  may  increase  or  decrease  them  as  the  need 
may  demand,  but  the  salaries  of  the  Secretary  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion, of  the  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  of  the  auditor,  of  the 
deputy  auditor,  and  of  the  Governor  General  may  not  be 
changed.172  Most  important  of  all,  the  much  coveted  power  of 
framing  the  budget  was  given  to  the  Filipinos.  However,  the 
provision  that  in  case  of  failure  of  the  Legislature  to  pass  the 
appropriation,  the  budget  for  the  year  immediately  preceding 
shall  become  operative,  has  been  retained.173  Furthermore,  in 
the  matter  of  appointments  the  Philippine  Senate  has  a  voice 
with  the  Governor  General.  Exceptions  to  this  rule  are  the 
appointments  of  the  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction,  who  is  pro- 

170  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees. 
7-9. 

"i  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees, 
10,  11. 

172  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees. 
4,  29. 

173  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sec.  19. 


REFORMS   UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT  JQ^ 

vided  for  in  the  law,  and  the  Representatives  and  Senators  to 
represent  the  non-Christian  tribes.  The  government  of  the  Phil- 
ippines reserves  the  power  of  eminent  domain.  It  may  grant 
franchises  to  companies  and  corporations  with  the  understanding 
that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  the  power  to  alter  or 
annul  these  franchises.  Except  where  it  is  expressly  provided, 
the  laws  enacted  by  Congress  do  not  apply  in  the  Philippine 
Islands.174 

PARLIAMENTARY-PRESIDENTIAL  SYSTEM 

The  organic  act  also  provides  that  the  Philippine  Legislature 
may,  by  appropriate  legislation,  reorganize  the  executive  depart- 
ments as  instituted  by  the  act  of  July  1,  1902,  but  the  Depart- 
ment of  Public  Instruction  and  the  Department  of  Interior 
shall  not  be  abolished.  The  changes  effected  under  this  provision 
placed  the  Philippine  government  in  the  list  of  modern  govern- 
ments. 

Accordingly,  on  November  18, 1916,  the  Philippine  Legislature 
passed  an  act  providing  for  six  executive  departments  in  place  of 
four.  These  are  the  departments  of  Public  Instruction,  Finance, 
Justice,  Agriculture  and  Natural  Resources,  Interior,  and  Com- 
merce and  Communications.175  Formerly  there  were  four  de- 
partments—  Interior,  Commerce  and  Police,  Finance  and  Jus- 
tice, and  Public  Instruction.  Except  the  Secretary  of  Public 
Instruction,  all  the  executive  secretaries  must  be  citizens  of  the 
Philippine  Islands,  thirty  years  of  age,  and  must  have  resided 
in  the  Islands  for  three  consecutive  years  prior  to  the  appoint- 
ment.176 An  act  passed  on  December  14,  1916,  fixed  the  salaries 
of  officials  and  employees  in  the  civil  service,  and  since  it  pro- 
vides for  salaries  on  the  basis  of  a  Filipino  personnel  the  law  is 
considered  of  some  importance.177 

During  the  debate  on  the  bill  reorganizing  the  executive  de- 

174  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sees.  5, 
28. 

1"  Act  No.  2666  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

176  Administrative  Code  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  1917,  Sec.  78. 

177  Act  No.  2668  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 


2Q2  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

partments  two  issues  dominated:  first,  how  to  coordinate  the 
executive  and  the  legislative  branches  of  government,  thereby 
establishing  an  efficient  and  responsible  type  of  government; 
second,  how  best  to  secure  economy  without  impairing  the  work 
of  the  administration.  As  suggested  in  the  organic  act  the  presi- 
dential system  would  seem  to  be  intended.  Experience  has  shown 
that  this  type  of  administrative  organization  creates  separate 
powers  and  is,  therefore,  irresponsible  and  unwieldy.  In  the 
Philippines  the  Governor  General  appoints  the  heads  of  the  de- 
partments by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Philippine  Senate. 
The  Vice  Governor  is  by  law  the  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction. 
Under  this  arrangement  the  chief  executive,  by  virtue  of  his 
exclusive  power  to  appoint  Representatives  and  Senators  for  the 
non-Christian  territories  could  appoint  every  secretary  of  the 
executive  departments  members  of  the  Legislature.  With  this 
exclusive  privilege,  coupled  to  the  broad  powers  which  the  or- 
ganic law  confers  upon  him,  the  Governor  could  practically  have 
absolute  control  over  the  entire  domestic  affairs  of  the  Philip- 
pines. The  Legislature  thought  that  some  provision  should  be 
made  to  overcome  this  theoretical  absolutism,  and  so  inserted  the 
clause  providing  that  the  "Secretaries  may  be  called,  and  shall 
be  entitled  to  be  heard,  by  either  of  the  two  Houses  of  the  Legis- 
lature, for  the  purpose  of  reporting  on  matters  pertaining  to 
their  Departments,  unless  the  public  interest  shall  require  other- 
wise and  the  Governor-General  shall  so  state  in  writing."178 
Wilful  refusal  to  appear  or  give  testimony  when  summoned  by 
either  house  entails  punishment  for  contempt.  With  respect  to 
the  preparation  of  the  budget  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Appropriations  may  require  any  information  from  any  bureau 
or  official  in  the  government.179 

In  this  manner  the  two  departments  of  the  government  have 
been  linked  together.  This  is  no  less  true  even  in  the  case  of  the 
chief  executive,  for  the  secretaries  of  the  departments  constitute 
his  cabinet.    The  organic  act  provides  that  positions  created  by 

"8  Act  No.  2666  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 

if 9  Administrative  Code  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  1917,  Sees.  101,  102, 
580. 


REFORMS   UNDER  THE   JONES  ACT  ^03 

the  Legislature  can  not  be  filled  by  members  of  that  body.  The 
Department  of  Interior  is  not  its  creation,  and  Senator  Rafael 
Palma  was  appointed  the  secretary  of  the  department.180  When 
it  is  taken  into  account  that  the  law  provides  that  each  year 
each  head  of  the  department  shall  submit  to  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral an  estimate  of  expenditures  and  an  annual  report  of  the 
department,  the  importance  of  adopting  the  parliamentary  sys- 
tem makes  itself  apparent.  Since  the  adoption  of  the  plan, 
appropriation  bills  have  passed  the  Legislature  with  the  least 
possible  delay.  For  instance,  the  budget  for  1919  passed  the 
Legislature  one  week  after  it  was  introduced  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  as  the  Assembly  is  designated  in  the  new  organic 
act.181  The  provision  of  calling  the  secretary  of  a  department 
to  appear  before  the  Legislature  was  applied  in  1919  when  Secre- 
tary of  Finance  Barretto  was  summoned  before  the  House  to 
explain  certain  items  in  the  budget.182 

The  plan  proposed  by  the  new  government  to  reduce  the  gen- 
eral expenses  of  the  administration  met  with  criticism  especially 
from  the  American  press  in  Manila.  The  increase  of  the  depart- 
ments from  four  to  six  invited  the  charge  of  extravagance, 
aggravating  it  by  the  charge  of  spoils  system  in  the  creation 
of  the  office  of  under  secretary  in  each  department.183  Formerly, 
the  secretaries  of  each  of  the  four  departments  received  18,000 
pesos  each  or  a  total  of  72,000  pesos  in  all.  In  addition  to  this 
each  received  9,000  pesos  for  service  on  the  Commission.  After 
the  passage  of  the  law  fixing  the  salaries  of  officials  each  secre- 
tary, except  the  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction,  received  12,000 
pesos  a  year;  and  each  under  secretary  7,500  pesos,  making  a 
total  of  117,000  pesos  per  year.184 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  STATE:  ITS  ADMINISTRATIVE  SIGNIFICANCE 
An  organ  added  to  the  administrative  machinery  of  the  Philip- 

iso  Report  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs,  1917,  p.  8. 
i8i  The  Manila  Times,  December  12,  1918,  p.  1,  December  21,  1918,  p.  1. 

182  The  Manila  Times,  December  4,  1919,  p.  1. 

183  The  Manila  Times,  November  4,  1916,  p.  4,  November  9,  1916,  p.  11. 

184  Act  No.  2668  of  the  Philippine  Legislature. 


104 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


pine  government  which  has  promoted  harmony  of  action  between 
the  legislative  and  the  executive  branches  is  the  Council  of  State. 
For  about  two  years  the  secretaries  of  the  departments  consti- 
tuted the  informal  cabinet  of  the  Governor  General.  This  in- 
formal relation  proved  beneficial  to  the  administration,  but  it 
was  later  conceived  that  this  body  could  be  made  more  effective 
by  official  recognition  and  by  permitting  the  Legislature  to  par- 
ticipate.185 Accordingly,  on  October  16,  1918,  the  Governor 
General  issued  an  executive  order  creating  the  Council  of  State 
as  his  official  advisory  board  "to  aid  and  advise  the  Governor- 
General  on  matters  of  public  importance,  said  Council  to  con- 
sist of  such  persons  as  may  be  from  time  to  time  appointed  and 
summoned  by  the  Governor-General.  There  shall  be  a  president 
and  a  vice-president  of  the  Council,  the  president  ex-officio  being 
the  Governor-General  and  the  vice-president  such  member  of  the 
Council  as  may  be  elected  by  the  Council."186  On  November 
27th  the  chief  executive  announced  that  the  Council  was  to  be 
composed  of  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the 
President  of  the  Senate,  and  the  six  secretaries  of  the  depart- 
ments. In  its  first  meeting  the  Council  of  State  elected  Speaker 
Osmefia  vice  president.187 

While  some  made  political  capital  out  of  the  creation  of  the 
body  and  others  saw  in  it  autocracy  looming  on  the  Philippine 
horizon,188  the  Council  of  State  has  proven  an  indispensable 
asset  to  the  good  and  efficient  administration  of  the  Philippine 
affairs.  It  can  readily  be  seen  that  the  Council  is  an  immense 
improvement  upon  the  parliamentary  system  contemplated  in 
the  act  reorganizing  the  executive  departments.  It  is,  in  fact, 
the  application  of  the  preamble  to  the  Jones  Law,  not  to  mention 
Governor  Harrison's  policy,  that  in  order  to  secure  a  stable 
government  in  the  Philippines,  the  Filipinos  must  be  given  a 

i»s  The  Manila  Times,  October  16,  1918,  p.  2. 

186  Executive  Order  No.  37,  October  16,  1918. 

187  Executive  Order  No.  47,  November  27,  1918. 

188  The  Manila  Times,  October  17,  1918,  p.  9,  December  14,  1918,  p.  4, 
December  18,  1918,  p.  9. 


REFORMS  UNDER  THE   JONES  ACT  -       JQ5 

directing  voice  in  their  affairs.  If  the  informal  cabinet  served  as 
a  factor  in  creating  harmony  between  the  Legislature  and  the 
executive,  the  Council  of  State  promoted  that  harmony.  Judging 
the  Council  by  its  personnel  the  Governor's  selection  was  wise 
and  practicable.  The  importance  of  giving  places  on  the  Coun- 
cil to  the  President  of  the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House 
is  too  obvious  to  need  further  comment.  Except  for  their  addi- 
tion the  composition  of  the  unofficial  cabinet  did  not  otherwise 
change.  The  Council  of  State  has  facilitated  administrative  and 
legislative  procedure  to  the  disappointment  of  skeptical  ob- 
servers. It  has  proven  an  invaluable  asset  to  the  government  and 
so  far  has  been  responsible  for  some  constructive  pieces  of  legis- 
lation. Meeting  regularly  at  least  once  a  week,  the  two  depart- 
ments—  the  legislative  and  the  executive  —  of  government  can 
not  but  work  together.  The  presence  of  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  and  of  the  President  of  the  Senate  is  indispensable  in 
facilitating  legislative  action  which  the  Council  may  desire.  It 
serves  as  a  link  between  the  executive  and  the  legislative  depart- 
ments. Through  the  Council,  unnecessary  jarrings  tending  to 
develop  discord  between  the  two  branches  have  been  largely 
eliminated.  Its  good  results  are  seen  in  the  making  and  passing 
of  the  budget,  which  for  three  successive  years  put  the  success 
of  the  Philippine  government  in  doubt.  To-day,  decision  on  it 
is  reached  in  the  meeting  of  the  Council  of  State,  and  when  the 
budget  is  presented  by  the  Governor  General  in  the  form  of  a 
recommendation  it  is  practically  in  finished  form,  and  the  Legis- 
lature has  been  more  or  less  acquainted  with  the  items.  The 
budget  for  1919  passed  the  Legislature  with  only  minor  amend- 
ments.189 

Besides  facilitating  budget-making,  the  Council  of  State  has 
shown  its  usefulness  in  other  ways.  It  has  sponsored  many 
enactments  among  which  are  the  appropriation  of  30,000,000 
pesos  for  elementary  education  and  of  300,000  pesos  to  send 
Filipinos  to  the  United  States  to  qualify  themselves  for  civil 
service  in  the  Philippines.     These  bills   were  framed   in  the 

189  The  Manila  Times,  December  12,  1918,  p.  1,  December  21,  1918,  p.  1, 
November  7,  1919,  p.  4,  November  9,  1919,  p.  4,  November  16,  1919,  p.  4. 


2Q6  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

Council  of  State  and  received  the  sanction  of  the  Legislature.190 
The  charge  that  the  Council  would  encroach  upon  the  inherent 
prerogatives  of  the  Legislature  has  found  no  support. 

Another  temporary  board  may  be  mentioned  in  passing,  as  it 
shows  to  what  extent  the  Filipinos  have  been  permitted  to 
formulate  the  policy  of  their  country.  During  the  prosecution 
of  the  World  War  in  which  the  Filipinos  demonstrated  their 
unqualified  loyalty  to  the  United  States,  the  Governor  General 
fully  recognized  the  Filipinos'  share.  Upon  the  recommendation 
of  the  Council  of  National  Defense,  the  Governor  created  the 
Council  of  Defense  for  the  Philippines  to  advise  him  on  measures 
concerning  the  safeguarding  of  public  opinion  and  for  the  mo- 
bilization of  resources  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  A  few  days 
after  its  organization,  on  August  1,  1918,  the  Council  was  en- 
larged. Among  the  important  additions  were  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  and  the  President  of  the  Senate.191 

BUDGET  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED 

A  piece  of  reform  which  is  very  important  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Philippine  government  is  the  adoption  of  a  sound 
budget  system.  According  to  the  organic  act  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral "shall  submit  within  ten  days  of  the  opening  of  the  session 
of  the  Philippine  Legislature  a  budget  of  receipts  and  expend- 
itures, which  shall  be  the  basis  of  the  annual  appropriation 
bill."192  The  method  heretofore  observed  in  framing  the  bill 
was  that  each  bureau  prepared  an  estimate  of  the  receipts  and 
expenditures  not  for  the  head  of  the  department  but  for  the 
executive  secretary  on  behalf  of  the  Governor  General.  The 
result  was  that  each  bureau  tried  to  get  as  big  an  appropriation 
as  possible,  ignoring,  if  not  ignorant  of,  the  receipts  of  the  in- 
sular treasury.  In  1916  the  Governor  reported  that  the  expend- 
itures for  1913  exceeded  the  revenues  by  7,196,482  pesos  and 

»*•  Act  No.  2785  of  the  Philippine  Legislature ;  The  Manila  Times,  De- 
cember 14,  1918,  p.  4. 

i9i  Executive  Order  No.  25,  August  1,  1918,  and  No.  28,  August  17,  1918. 

i»2  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sec.  21. 


REFORMS  UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT         ^07 

those  for  1914  exceeded  the  revenues  by  2,841,118.81  pesos.193 
It  is  apparent  that  a  thorough  financial  reform  was  needed. 
Accordingly,  an  order  was  promulgated  prescribing  a  new  pro- 
cedure of  budget-making,  so  far  as  this  could  be  done  without 
violating  the  provisions  of  the  organic  act.  The  new  system  was 
inaugurated  in  1917.  Each  bureau  chief  was  requested  to  pre- 
pare an  estimate  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  for  his  bureau 
to  be  submitted  to  the  head  of  the  department.  This  arrange- 
ment brings  the  bureau  chief  and  the  head  of  the  department 
together  to  discuss  the  items  of  the  bill.  Then  each  department 
head  submits  the  bill  to  the  Secretary  of  Finance  who,  in  turn, 
with  the  impartial  and  independent  aid  of  the  Insular  Auditor, 
goes  over  the  different  estimates  and  compares  them  with  the 
estimated  receipts  of  the  government  for  the  fiscal  year.  Before 
submitting  the  entire  bill  to  the  Legislature,  it  is  thoroughly 
discussed  in  the  cabinet  meeting  where  the  Secretary  of  Finance 
offers  his  amendments.  Once  agreed  to  by  the  cabinet  it  is  sub- 
mitted to  the  Governor  General  for  transmittal  to  the  Legis- 
lature. The  practice,  however,  has  been  to  let  the  Secretary  of 
Finance  appear  before  the  joint  session  of  the  Legislature  on 
behalf  of  the  chief  executive.  This  practice  seems  to  be  appro- 
priate for  the  Secretary  of  Finance  is  the  man  to  explain  any 
ambiguities.  In  1917  he  appeared  first  before  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  then  before  the  Senate  to  answer  various 
questions.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  budget  for  1917  was 
enacted  as  it  was  approved  by  the  cabinet. 

The  adoption  of  the  budget  system  is  a  beneficent  reform  in 
the  government  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  has  established  a 
sound  financial  policy  in  which  the  responsibility  is  placed  where 
it  should  be.  It  has  separated  the  budget-making  from  the 
general  function  of  legislation.  At  any  time  during  the  consid- 
eration of  the  bill  in  the  House,  in  the  Senate,  or  in  the  Com- 
mittee on  Appropriations,  the  secretary  of  a  department  may  be 
summoned  to  explain  the  items  concerning  his  particular  depart- 
ment. In  this  way  the  heads  of  the  departments  are  made  re- 
sponsible to  the  Legislature.    It  has  abolished  buccaneering  with 

193  Beport  of  the  Governor  General,  1916,  p.  5. 


208  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

the  funds  of  the  people.  But  most  important  of  all  it  established 
a  common  understanding  among  the  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment, thereby  eliminating  unnecessary  friction  and  delay.  With 
the  Governor  General,  the  executive  secretaries,  the  Speaker  of 
the  House,  and  the  President  of  the  Senate  participating  in  the 
discussions  over  government  matters,  unity  and  coordination  of 
action  is  secured.  Through  the  power  of  the  Legislature  to 
summon  an  official  for  testimony  no  department  or  bureau 
escapes  publicity,  something  which  could  not  be  attained  in 
previous  years.  The  budget  system  adopted  in  1917  is  an 
achievement  in  the  Philippine  administration.194 

THE  POLICY  WITH  THE  NON-CHRISTIAN  TRIBES 

The  territories  inhabited  by  the  Mohammedan  and  pagan 
tribes  of  the  Philippines  were  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction 
of  the  Philippine  Commission  until  the  passage  of  the  Jones  Act. 
The  territories  comprise  about  45,152  square  miles  or  forty  per 
cent  of  the  entire  area  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  with  a  popula- 
tion of  about  a  million  people.195 

By  this  act  of  Congress,  approved  August  29,  1916,  the  con- 
trol of  these  territories  was  turned  over  to  the  Philippine  Legis- 
lature, but  the  following  provision  was  added :  ' '  There  is  hereby 
established  a  bureau,  to  be  known  as  the  Bureau  of  Non-Chris- 
tian tribes,  which  said  bureau  shall  be  embraced  in  one  of  the 
executive  departments  to  be  designated  by  the  Governor  General, 
and  shall  have  general  supervision  over  the  public  affairs  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  territory  represented  in  the  legislature  by  ap- 
pointive senators  and  representatives."196 

Pursuant  to  this  provision  the  Legislature  passed  Act  No. 
2666  which  placed  the  bureau  under  the  Department  of  Inte- 
rior while  Act  No.  2674  provided  for  the  administration  of  the 
bureau.    This  law  was  later  reenacted  in  the  Administrative  Code 

i»4  Report  of  the  Governor  General,  1917,  pp.  104,  105. 

185  Report  of  the  Governor  General,  1917,  pp.  54,  55;  Worcester's  The 
Philippines,  Past  and  Present,  Vol.  II,  p.  1000.  The  Philippine  census  for 
1919  gives  500,000  for  the  non-Christians. 

i»6  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sec.  22. 


EEFORMS  UNDER  THE   JONES  ACT  ^QQ 

of  the  Philippine  Islands,  1917,  which  is  the  law  of  the  entire 
archipelago.  Frank  W.  Carpenter,  governor  of  the  Department 
of  Mindanao  and  Sulu,  was  appointed  director  of  the  bureau, 
with  the  assistance  of  an  undersecretary  and  special  agents  to 
the  non-Christian  people  who  reside  among  the  civilized  element. 
The  law  reads  in  part  as  follows :  "It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
Bureau  of  Non-Christian  Tribes  to  continue  the  work  for  ad- 
vancement and  liberty  in  favor  of  the  regions  inhabited  by  non- 
christian  Filipinos  and  foster  by  all  adequate  means  and  in  a 
systematical,  rapid  and  complete  manner,  the  moral,  material, 
economic,  social,  and  political  development  of  those  regions,  al- 
ways bearing  in  view  the  aim  of  rendering  permanent  the  mu- 
tual intelligence  between  and  complete  fusion  of  all  the  Chris- 
tian and  non-Christian  elements  populating  the  province  of  the 
Archipelago. ' ' 197 

The  two  Senators  appointed  to  represent  the  non-Christian 
tribes  were  Juaquin  D.  Luna,  Mountain  Province;  and  Hadji 
Butu  Abdul  Baki,  representing  Mindanao  and  Sulu.  In  the 
House  of  Representatives  five  Christians,  two  Mohammedans, 
and  two  pagans  represented  the  non-Christians.  These  were 
Juan  Carino,  Rafael  Bulayungan,  Pedro  Aunario,  all  from  the 
Mountain  Province;  Wenceslao  Valera,  Datu  Piang,  Pablo 
Lorenzo,  Teodoro  Palma  Gil,  Datu  Benito,  Isidro  Vamenta,  rep- 
resenting Mindanao  and  Sulu.198 

The  uncivilized  tribes  in  the  Philippines  have  been  accorded 
a  representation  in  the  Philippine  Legislature,  a  privilege  hereto- 
fore unknown  to  them.  The  purpose  of  the  government  is  to 
extend  to  them  civilizing  opportunities  which  will  ultimately 
bring  about  complete  fusion  with  their  Christian  brothers.  Ef- 
forts have  been  directed  to  public  education,  to  the  development 
of  their  natural  resources,  and  to  sanitation  and  public  works. 

The  education  extended  to  the  non-Christian  tribes  is  also 
vocational.  In  the  primary  grades  the  pupils  are  trained  in 
agriculture,  and  schools  along  the  coast  place  emphasis  upon  the 
development  of  marine  products,  not  only  sea  foods  but  industry 

i»7  Act  No.  2674  of  the  Philippine  Legislature,  Sec.  3. 
i»8  Report  of  the  Governor  General,  1917,  p.  56. 


210  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

in  shells,  pearls,  and  sponges.  Roads  and  bridges  are  being  pro- 
vided in  districts  which  have  been  isolated  for  centuries.  The 
socializing  influence  of  public  works  can  not  be  overestimated. 

The  government  has  even  done  more  than  merely  extend  the 
ordinary  curricula  to  the  non-Christian  tribes.  It  is  investi- 
gating the  talents  of  these  peoples  with  a  view  to  developing 
them.  Recently  scholarships  have  been  established  in  household 
industries,  in  nursing,  in  agriculture,  in  arts,  and  in  trade  and 
commerce.  The  uncivilized  peoples  have  broken  down  the  bar- 
riers of  the  centuries  and  have  gone  forth  even  to  the  United 
States  in  search  of  further  training.  The  Philippine  govern- 
ment is  making  a  permanent  investment  which  insures  profit  by 
encouraging  these  young  people  to  prepare  themselves  to  serve 
their  own  people.199 

In  1917  the  Philippine  government  passed  an  appropriation 
of  100,000  pesos  to  aid  such  inhabitants  of  Luzon  and  the 
Visayas  who  might  desire  to  immigrate  to  the  southern  islands 
either  to  acquire  land  or  to  seek  employment.  Over  five  thou- 
sand were  transported  to  Mindanao  on  government  vessels  in 
the  same  year  and  more  are  awaiting  accommodation.200  This 
program  will  not  only  develop  the  resources  of  the  south  but  will 
bring  the  two  elements  of  Filipino  people  together  as  they  never 
have  been  before  and  will  thus  abolish  the  tribal  differences 
which  have  existed  for  ages. 

The  surrender  of  the  non-Christian  tribes  to  civilization  and 
their  acceptance  of  authorities  other  than  their  Sultan,  marks 
the  turning  point  in  the  history  of  the  Moro  people.  Since  time 
immemorial  the  religious  officials  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu  have 
been  looked  upon  as  the  sole  instruments  to  effect  economic  and 
social  development.  Naturally,  any  usurpation  of  these  privi- 
leges and  rights  by  an  impartial  and  strange  government  is 
taken  as  a  pernicious  activity.  This  part  of  the  Moro  problem 
has  always  been  complex  and  delicate  and  it  has  delayed  the 
complete  submission  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States.201 

i»»  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1914,  pp.  350,  351. 
200  Report  of  the  Governor  General,  1917,  pp.  68,  69. 
2oi  Report  of  the  Governor  General,  1917,  p.  30. 


REFORMS  UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT         J 11 

The  passage  of  the  Jones  Law  guaranteeing  independence  to  the 
Philippine  Islands  aroused  a  suspicion  in  the  Mohammedan 
islands.  Fearing  that  an  independent  Philippines  meant  an  en- 
croachment upon  their  religion  and  their  social  practices,  Hadji 
Abdulla  Nuno  circulated  a  protest  among  his  people.  The  move- 
ment reached  the  authorities  and  Hadji  Nuno  and  his  followers 
were  summoned  to  Manila  where  the  Governor  General  explained 
to  them  the  real  situation,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Moro  people. 

When  the  Philippine  Legislature  was  inaugurated  in  1916  a 
delegation  headed  by  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  presented  a  memorial, 
through  the  Governor  General,  to  the  Legislature  in  which  the 
datus  expressed  their  gratitude  for  the  material  benefits  and 
political  privileges  accorded  to  them  and  for  the  liberal  treat- 
ment by  the  government  in  matters  of  public  education,  health, 
and  public  works.  They  expressed  the  hope  that  their  fraternal 
relationship  with  their  Christian  brothers  might  be  strengthened. 
The  Mohammedan  Senator,  Hadji  Butu,  Abdul  Baki,  and  the 
Representatives,  Datu  Piang  and  Datu  Benito,  were  permitted 
to  take  the  oath  on  the  Koran.  This  extraordinary  concession 
gave  complete  satisfaction  to  the  Moros.202 

The  present  policy  of  the  Philippine  government  toward  the 
non-Christian  tribes  has  been  presented  in  brief.  It  is  a  continu- 
ation of  the  enterprise  so  nobly  and  so  heroically  begun  and 
carried  out  by  Dean  C.  Worcester  who  for  twelve  years  was  the 
Secretary  of  the  Department  of  Interior.  To  him  and  to  his 
faithful  and  conscientious  force  must  be  given  credit  for  the 
conditions  now  existing  in  the  non-Christian  territories.  It  can 
not  be  argued  that  heretofore  the  Filipinos  never  knew  their 
Mohammedan  and  pagan  brothers:  they  had  no  sympathy  with 
them  and  never  even  thought  of  establishing  peaceful  relations 
with  them.  The  noble  work  of  Jeff  D.  Gallman,  who  a  thousand 
times  risked  his  life  in  the  effort  to  establish  friendship  with  the 
head  hunters;  of  Walter  F.  Hale,  who  converted  the  tattooed 
Kalinggas  into  efficient  soldiers  to  maintain  peace  and  order ;  of 
Bryant,  who  braved  the  wilds  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  search  of 
friends;  of  Samuel  E.  Kane  who  linked  together  the  remote 

202  Beport  of  the  Governor  General,  1916,  pp.   77,   84. 


112 


SELF-OOVERNMEXT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


villages  with  trails,  is  the  salvation  of  the  pagan  people  and  the 
guarantee  of  peace  and  everlasting  unity  of  the  Filipino  people. 
Furthermore,  to  William  6.  Pack  who,  although  weakened  by 
illness,  found  a  constant  pleasure  in  his  task,  to  E.  Y.  Miller, 
governor  of  Palawan,  to  Lieutenant  Olney  Bondurant,  who  while 
burning  with  malaria  fever,  engaged  in  battle  with  the  Moros, 
and  to  Captain  Frederick  Johnson,  faithful  unto  the  end,  must 
be  given  the  tribute  of  original  and  unselfish  achievement.  They 
were  the  pioneers  who  braved  the  untrodden  path  of  the  south 
where  no  man  before  ever  dared  to  set  his  foot.  They  pushed 
the  southern  frontier  of  the  Philippine  Islands  as  far  south  as 
it  could  go.  These  faithful  servants  established  the  trails  of 
civilization  into  the  very  heart  of  the  wilds  of  Luzon  and  Min- 
danao. The  conversion  of  the  non-Christian  tribes  is  a  monu- 
mental achievement  of  the  American  people  in  the  Philippines, 
and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  pagan  peoples  in  particular  and 
the  Filipino  people  in  general  may  pay  an  everlasting  tribute  to 
the  service  of  these  heroes. 

The  significance  of  the  conversion  of  the  uncivilized  peoples  to 
orderly  life  is  far-reaching.  Politically,  it  means  unqualified 
solidarity  of  the  Filipino  people  who  legitimately  desire  an  inde- 
pendent personality  among  the  family  of  nations.  The  realiza- 
tion of  the  aim  of  the  government  is  a  sure  guarantee  of  ever- 
lasting peace  heretofore  never  known  between  the  two  elements 
of  the  Philippine  population.  Economically,  the  fusion  of  the 
Christian  and  the  non-Christian  Filipinos  places  the  Philippines 
on  the  right  road  to  economic  and  industrial  development.  The 
action  of  the  government  in  encouraging  immigration  to  Min- 
danao is  indeed  laudable  and  should  command  support.  The 
island  itself,  second  in  size  to  Luzon,  can  produce  sufficient  food 
stuffs  to  supply  the  whole  of  the  Philippines  and  export  besides. 
Forest  and  marine  products  abound,  but  how  could  these  be 
utilized  if  the  Mohammedan  population  were  bitter  foes  to  the 
Filipinos?  The  pioneer  work  of  the  American  heroes  is  at  once 
realized.  The  hostilities  of  the  past  have  become  a  record  of 
history. 

With  constant  faithfulness,  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  Philippine 


REFORMS  UNDER  THE  JONES  ACT  -Q3 

government  to  raise  the  non-Christians  to  the  level  of  their 
Christian  fellows.  It  is  expected  that  the  Bureau  of  the  Non- 
Christian  Tribes  will  ultimately  be  abolished  and  the  southern 
and  northern  provinces  will  be  organized  as  regular  provinces 
under  one  law.  This  aim  is  being  realized  every  day.  The  pro- 
visions of  the  Jones  Law  governing  the  non-Christian  tribes  are 
an  excellent  reflection  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  By 
placing  the  people  under  a  special  bureau  and  by  making  the 
Senators  and  Representatives  appointive,  Congress  has  excluded 
the  affairs  of  the  non-Christians  from  politics.  It  is  a  solemn 
guarantee  to  the  heroes  that  the  task  they  so  nobly  began  will  be 
carried  on. 

The  relations  which  to-day  exist  between  the  Moros  and  the 
Igorots  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Filipinos  on  the  other  were 
never  known  before,  and  much  less  dreamed  of.  Through  con- 
tact and  through  the  peaceful  achievement  of  a  common  educa- 
tion the  social  and  psychological  abyss  which  the  centuries  have 
established  between  the  two  groups  is  narrowing  itself  at  an 
almost  incredible  speed. 

CHECKS  AND  BALANCES 

A  brief  statement  of  the  system  of  checks  and  balances  in  the 
Philippine  government  should  be  made.  As  a  check  upon  the 
broad  powers  of  the  Philippine  Legislature  Congress  reserves 
the  power  of  annulling  laws  enacted  by  the  local  government.203 
The  local  government  may  enact  laws  on  every  subject  but  laws 
on  tariff,  immigration,  public  lands,  and  currency  must  first  be 
approved  by  the  President  before  they  can  be  enforced.204  No 
duties  on  exports  from  the  Philippines  may  be  levied  by  the 
Legislature,  and  the  national  indebtedness  must  not  exceed 
$15,000,000  exclusive  of  the  friar  lands.  No  province  or  munici- 
pality may  incur  a  liability  exceeding  seven  per  cent  of  its  tax- 
able valuation.205 

203  United  States  Statute*  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  See.  19. 

204  The  Public  Land  Law  of  the  Philippines  took  effect  by  virtue  of  the 
failure  of  the  President  to  act  before  the  expiration  of  six  months. 

205  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  XXXIX,  Pt.  1,  Ch.  416,  Sec.  11. 

8 


]J4  SELF-GO  VEKNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

In  regard  to  the  power  to  create  or  abolish  executive  depart- 
ments Congress  made  a  very  essential  restriction:  the  Depart- 
ment of  Public  Instruction  with  the  Vice  Governor  as  its  secre- 
tary shall  remain  and  shall  include  the  bureau  of  education  and 
the  bureau  of  health.  Likewise  the  Department  of  Interior 
must  continue  although  its  bureaus  may  be  reorganized.  The 
bureau  of  the  non-  Christian  tribes  is  a  creation  of  Congress 
although  the  formulation  of  policy  is  left  with  the  local  govern- 
ment. 

Very  much  condemned  by  the  American  press  in  Manila  is  the 
requirement  that  the  Philippine  Senate  must  approve  the  ap- 
pointments made  by  the  Governor  General.  Critics  based  their 
objections  on  the  fear  of  political  buccaneering  in  the  matter  of 
appointments.  Fortunately,  this  matter  is  transacted  in  the 
meeting  of  the  Council  of  State  which  takes  charge  of  all  pro- 
motions and  appointments  to  offices,  and  the  Senate  simply 
stamps  its  approval. 

Formerly  the  Governor  General  was  also  the  chairman  of  the 
Philippine  Commission,  the  former  Senate  of  the  Philippine 
Legislature.  Upon  the  institution  of  the  Filipino  Senate  this 
position  was  dissolved.  His  powers,  however,  are  extraordinarily 
broad.  He  is  the  "supreme  executive  power"  in  the  Philippine 
government  with  the  general  supervision  over  all  the  executive 
departments  and  bureaus,  including  the  ordinary  veto  power 
over  legislation  and  over  items  in  the  appropriation  bills.  As 
the  representative  of  the  United  States  and  the  appointee  of  the 
President,  the  Governor  General  is  charged  with  the  duty  of 
executing  the  laws  of  the  United  States  applicable  to  the  Islands, 
and  the  laws  passed  by  the  Philippine  Legislature.  He  may 
mobilize  the  local  army  and  militia ;  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus ;  and  call  upon  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  to 
suppress  violence  or  insurrection.  With  his  power  to  appoint 
officers  the  Governor  General  may  place  the  appointive  Senators 
and  Representatives  as  heads  of  the  departments  and  thus  con- 
trol the  affairs  of  the  government.  This  is,  however,  counter- 
balanced by  the  power  of  the  Senate  over  appointments  and  by 
the  authority  of  the  Legislature  to  compel  testimony  from  any 


^^TiTm>ri^-<°rm^PTfp^pTT,TPT>rn  ptjyvpt.-b  -q£ 

official.  The  Governor  General  may  grant  pardons  and  remit 
fines  and  forfeitures.  He  may  establish  a  uniform  system  of 
accounting  with  the  auditor,  and  all  claims  against  the  auditor 
must  be  made  to  him.  Each  year  the  Governor  General  shall 
receive  the  reports  of  the  departments  and  bureaus  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  shall  make  a  report  on  the  Philippines  to  the 
Secretary  of  War. 

Above  the  Governor  General  is  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  Being  his  appointee,  the  Governor  is  responsible  to  him 
and  must  report  to  him  any  exercise  of  the  military  power.  All 
laws  passed  by  the  Philippine  Legislature  affecting  tariff,  immi- 
gration, public  land,  and  currency  must  be  approved  by  the 
President  before  going  into  effect. 

Entirely  favorable  to  the  Philippines  is  the  matter  connected 
with  the  Resident  Commissioners  at  Washington.  These  officials 
are  elected  by  the  Philippine  Legislature  and  are  responsible  to 
that  body.  Their  compensation,  however,  is  paid  from  the  treas- 
ury of  the  United  States,  and  except  the  privilege  of  voting  the 
Commissioners  are  on  equal  footing  with  the  Representatives  in 
Congress.  The  creation  of  the  office  of  the  Resident  Commis- 
sioner proves  the  good  will  and  liberality  of  America.  It  is  not 
recorded  that  the  Congress  has  ever  directed  or  supervised  these 
officers  in  Washington  —  in  fact  their  best  efforts  have  been 
directed  to  securing  legislation  for  the  independence  of  the 
Philippines. 

The  Philippine  judiciary  has  been  left  untouched.  The  judi- 
cial system  is  composed  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  the  Courts  of  First  Instance,  and  the  justice  of  the  peace 
courts.  The  Supreme  Court  has  remained  independent  of  the 
other  two  departments  of  the  government  and  has  maintained  its 
prestige.  Since  its  justices  are  appointed  by  the  President,  and 
their  compensation  fixed  in  the  organic  act,  the  Supreme  Court 
is  more  independent  than  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States. 

An  act  more  perfect  than  the  Jones  Law  could  scarcely  be 
enacted  for  the  government  of  a  territory.  The  arrangement 
prevents  any  encroachment  of  powers.    It  would  be  of  interest 


Jig  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

to  note  some  of  the  safeguards  against  politics  in  the  functions 
which  should  remain  excluded  from  the  probable  political  cor- 
ruption. The  provision  concerning  the  Department  of  Public 
Instruction  is  a  practical  guarantee  that  the  work  of  education 
must  continue  in  spite  of  any  changes  which  may  be  adopted. 
The  law  provides  that  the  Vice  Governor  will  continue  to  be  the 
secretary  in  charge  of  this  department  which  includes  the  bureau 
of  education  and  the  bureau  of  health.  The  grouping  of  educa- 
tion and  health  under  one  department  is,  indeed,  a  very  wise 
provision.  Since  the  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction  is  appoint- 
ed by  the  President  at  a  fixed  compensation  that  office  is  prac- 
tically free  from  any  local  control.  The  Philippine  Legislature 
can  exercise  restraint  on  this  department  only  by  refusing  to 
appropriate  funds  for  its  support. 

The  same  feature  is  true  of  the  auditing  of  accounts.  The 
Insular  Auditor  and  the  deputy  auditor  are  appointed  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  at  a  stated  compensation  which 
the  Philippine  Legislature  can  not  alter.  This  plan  is  a  guar- 
antee of  the  independence  of  the  financial  system  of  the  Philip- 
pine government.  The  auditors  are  responsible  to  the  President 
and  not  to  the  Filipino  people. 


VI 
THE  HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE 

The  development  of  the  Filipinos'  feeling  of  nationality  is  a 
tragic  story,  brightened  only  by  the  hope  that  sometime  in  the 
future  they  must  see  the  dawn  of  the  new  day.  The  policy 
Spain  adopted  in  the  Philippines  and  the  means  which  she  used 
to  gain  her  end  were  dictated  by  religious  selfishness  and  political 
oppression.  Desiring  to  perpetuate  the  Catholic  faith,  the  Span- 
iards deluded  themselves  by  the  idea  that  by  keeping  the  Fili- 
pinos ignorant  of  the  outside  world  they  could  carry  out  their 
program  with  the  least  opposition.  They  realized  that  knowledge 
is  power,  and,  rather  than  sacrifice  their  religious  ambition,  they 
determined  to  isolate  the  Islands.  So,  for  three  hundred  and 
thirty  years  the  Philippines  were  purposely  kept  out  of  the 
world's  influence.  Trade  with  Japan  was  much  restricted,  and 
Chinese  immigration  was  absolutely  prohibited.  In  this  manner, 
the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  excluding  even  the  echoes  of  the 
struggles  of  the  other  people  for  freedom.  The  gallant  fight  of 
America  against  the  oppression  of  Great  Britain  never  reached 
the  Filipinos  who  were  laboring  under  similar  conditions.  Of 
the  American  Indians  battling  single-handed  for  a  place  in  their 
native  land  they  heard  not;  nor  of  the  repeated  revolts  of  the 
Spanish  colonies  in  America. 

But  this  was  not  all !  The  Spaniards  refused  to  teach  certain 
things.  The  Filipino  who  learned  to  pray  and  gaze  into  the 
heavens  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul  must  not  learn  to  read  the 
Spanish  language  lest  he  should  become  independent  and  search 
for  knowledge  himself.  Nor  could  he  use  any  book  he  wished, 
for  the  ecclesiastical  body  of  censors  passed  on  all  printed  mat- 
ter. The  Filipinos  suffered  exile  in  their  own  country  for  three 
centuries.    They  did  not  know  even  their  own  country ;  but  they 

117 


Ug  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

knew  that  they  were  carrying  a  burden  which  must  be  thrown 
off  at  some  appropriate  time. 

OPENING  OF  THE  SUEZ  CANAL:     THE  FIRST  MARTYRS 

Time  brings  changes  in  spite  of  man's  selfish  efforts  to  with- 
hold them.  The  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal  made  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  only  a  memory  in  the  world  of  trade  and  commerce. 
China,  which  had  been  closed  for  centuries,  unlocked  her  doors 
to  the  world.  The  momentous  event  placed  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Philippines  in  a  perplexing  dilemma  —  should  they  open  the 
Philippines  and  be  in  touch  with  the  progressive  world,  or  ig- 
nore the  progressive  influences  and  lose  honor  among  the  civil- 
ized world.    The  Spaniards  chose  the  first. 

To  the  Filipino  people  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal  marked 
a  turning  point  in  their  history.  It  opened  to  them  the  road  to 
reform.  They  began  to  think  and  their  first  reflections  blos- 
somed into  a  formal  petition  to  the  Courts  of  Spain  and  Rome 
to  recover  the  Filipino  secular  parishes  which  the  government 
had  taken  from  them  to  give  to  the  friars.  The  church  evaded 
the  legitimate  claim  by  charging  Father  Burgos,  the  initiator  of 
the  petition,  with  agitation  for  revolt.  The  removal  of  the  friars 
from  the  parishes,  said  the  church  authorities,  meant  the  collapse 
of  the  whole  religious  structure  in  the  Philippines.  But  when  a 
people  reaches  the  end  of  their  endurance  and  determines  to 
effect  a  reform  of  their  condition,  the  suppression  of  one  move- 
ment spells  the  eruption  of  another  elsewhere  in  a  more  drastic 
form.  While  the  petition  was  arbitrarily  suppressed  by  the 
mysterious  operation  of  the  church  and  state,  the  workers  in  the 
Cavite  arsenal  mutinied.  The  friars  suspected  that  they  were 
back  of  the  petition  and  ordered  their  arrest.  No  other  trials  in 
history  were  conducted  with  more  mystery.  Executions  were 
secret  and  a  comment  on  them  entailed  the  penalty  of  death. 
Father  Burgos  and  two  other  secular  priests,  Father  Gomez  and 
Father  Zamora,  gave  their  lives  on  the  scaffold. 

The  friars,  in  so  executing  Father  Burgos,  desired  to  instill  a 
profound  fear  in  the  heart  of  the  Filipino  people,  believing  that 
through  fear  the  movement  for  reform  might  be  checked.    But 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE 


119 


just  the  contrary  happened ;  for  the  wrongs  and  injustice  which 
marked  the  father's  mysterious  trial  set  the  heart  of  the  Filipino 
people  aflame.  It  made  them  braver  and  more  determined. 
The  veil  of  ignorance  which  hid  the  light  of  day  for  three  hun- 
dred years  was  rent.  On  February  17,  1872,  Father  Burgos 
gave  his  life  so  that  his  people  might  gain  theirs. 

PROPAGANDA 

In  these  crucial  times  the  church  became  the  dictator  of  the 
officials  in  the  government  and  even  of  the  Spanish  minister. 
Personal  enemies  of  the  friars  became  the  enemies  of  the  govern- 
ment by  which  they  were  delivered  to  the  civil  guard  for  execu- 
tion, and  the  Filipinos  realized  that  they  must  conduct  a 
propaganda  which  would  reach  the  utmost  parts  of  the  Philip- 
pine Archipelago  not  only  to  expose  the  wrongs  and  injustice 
but  also  to  educate  the  people  so  that  the  reform  movement 
might  secure  the  undivided  support  of  the  mass.  Supported  by 
a  few  well-to-do  Filipinos  who  were  known  as  propagandistas, 
the  ardent  patriots  published  La  SoUdaridad,  first  under  the 
editorship  of  Graciano  Lopez-Jaena  and  subsequently  under  the 
direction  of  Marcelo  H.  del  Pilar. 

This  weekly  newspaper  sought  the  following  reforms:  (1)  the 
abolition  of  the  military  form  of  government,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  civil  government  in  which  the  arbitrary  powers  of  the 
Governor  General  should  be  limited  by  a  constitution;  (2)  the 
protection  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Filipino  people; 

(3)  representation  of  the  Philippines  in  the  Cortes  of  Spain; 

(4)  the  establishment  of  a  merit  system  under  which  the  offices 
should  be  filled;  (5)  the  expulsion  of  the  friars  or  the  return  of 
the  parishes  to  secular  priests.  In  reply  to  these  demands  the 
friars  contended  that  the  Filipinos  were  not  entitled  to  such 
concessions  because  they  were  indolent  and  their  education  was 
hopelessly  defective.  The  Filipinos  replied  that  if  their  educa- 
tion was  defective,  their  teachers  or  lack  of  teachers  had  made 
it  so.  To  this  the  friars  answered  that  "the  liberties  of  the 
Peninsula  had  cost  the  Spaniards  their  precious  blood."  Not- 
withstanding this,  the  Filipinos  believed  that  they  must  first 


220  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

educate  the  common  mass  in  the  nature  and  justness  of  their 
cause.    To  effect  this  end  the  propaganda  must  continue. 

Conspicuous  among  the  loyal  supporters  of  La  Solidaridad 
was  Dr.  Jose  Rizal  y  Mercado,  the  Filipino  scholar  and  hero.  He 
had  written  many  articles  for  the  paper  but  realizing  that  it  did 
not  produce  the  desired  result,  he  severed  his  relations  in  order 
that  he  might  enter  upon  a  more  profound  enterprise  with  the 
same  end  in  view.  He  directed  his  talents  to  writing  novels 
which  his  people  might  read  and  thus  be  guided  to  orderly 
action.  The  first  novel  he  produced  was  Noli  Me  Tangere 
(Social  Cancer).    The  plot  is  here  reproduced. 

The  hero  is  Ibarra,  the  only  son  of  a  wealthy  family  in  Manila, 
in  whose  veins  ran  a  mixture  of  Spanish  and  Filipino  blood. 
Having  had  the  privilege  of  education  abroad,  Ibarra  was  looked 
upon  by  his  people  as  the  instrument  with  which  to  secure  re- 
forms for  his  country.    But  unfortunately  he  did  not  understand 
the  needs  of  his  people,  for  when  asked  by  a  citizen  named  Elias 
/"for  aid  to  secure  the  construction  of  a  schoolhouse,  Ibarra  con- 
\  tended  that  the  people  were  not  ready  for  such  improvement  or 
\  for  any  other.    The  request  was  later  renewed,  this  time  by  his 
</^*i  ( ^sweetheart  —  personifying  the  Philippines  —  the  only  daughter 
(<y     of  a  friar  in  the  city.    The  girl  promised  to  marry  him  on  condi- 
r/       **on  that  ne  build  a  schoolhouse.    To  Ibarra  this  was  the  least 
Jr    jtftequest  that  could  be  made  to  a  devoted  and  wealthy  lover,  so 
the  building  was  rushed  with  all  the  encouragement  of  the  exeeu- 
jr  tive  authorities.    But  the  betrothal  found  an  impediment  in  the 

father  who  denounced  the  engagement  of  his  daughter  to  a  man 
who  would  not  kiss  his  hand  nor  pay  such  other  respects  as  the 
public  is  wont  to  accord  to  a  divine  representative.  He  ar- 
ranged the  marriage  of  his  daughter  to  a  friar.,  Madly  enraged 
by  this  news,  Ibarra  planned  to  attack  the  convent,  assassinate 
the  friar  lover,  and  carry  his  sweetheart  away.  The  plan  was 
executed  but  the  friar  was  not  to  be  found.  Arrests  began  and 
many  of  Ibarra's  men  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  cruel  civtt 
guard.  Some  in  order  to  escape  torture  committed  suicide. 
Ibarra  himself  was  being  pursued  by  the  guard.  The  faithful 
Elias  fled  with  him.    He  induced  Ibarra  to  go  abroad  and  live 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE 


121 


on  the  money  received  for  his  gems  and  other  treasures  which  he 
had  put  away  for  him.  To  save  Ibarra  from  the  pursuing 
guards,  Elias  managed  to  have  them  pursue  him  instead,  and  so 
gave  his  life  for  the  liberator. 

The  story  is  continued  in  the  second  novel  which  followed  — 
El  Filibusterismo  {The  Reign  of  Greed).  Ibarra  amassed 
wealth  abroad  and  under  an  assumed  name  became  an  intimate 
friend  of  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  Through  this  influence  Ibarra 
succeeded  in  securing  the  transfer  of  his  friend  to  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  and  Ibarra  also  returned  to  the  Philippines  to 
avenge  the  wrong  done  to  him  personally.  He  formed  another 
plot.  He  planned  a  reception  to  all  the  friars  and  officials  in  the 
city  and  during  the  occasion  the  building  was  to  be  blown  up. 
But  an  accomplice  betrayed  him  and  the  plot  was  discovered. 
In  his  hurried  flight  Ibarra  received  a  mortal  wound,  finding 
shelter  in  the  house  of  a  parish  priest,  Plorentino,  who  ex- 
plained to  him  his  mistake. 

Abounding  in  wealth  of  details,  and  portraying  the  pictur- 
esque life  of  the  Filipino  people  made  bitter  by  the  injustice  of 
the  friars,  the  novels  set  up  a  standard  for  Filipino  patriots.  A 
social  reform,  in  order  to  succeed,  must  not  be  colored  by  per- 
sonal ambition  as  was  the  plan  of  Ibarra.  A  patriot  finds  an 
example  in  the  unselfish  Elias  who  gave  his  life  for  his  country 's 
cause.  The  story,  however,  was  not  read,  for  its  publication  was 
suppressed,  but  these  novels  cost  Rizal  his  life. 

LA  LIGA  FTLIPINA 

In  1892  Rizal  convoked  a  secret  meeting  to  organize  the  Liga 
Filipino,.  Before  an  assemblage  of  men  representing  all  walks 
of  life  he  read  the  rules  and  regulations  which  he  had  drawn. 
These  were  unanimously  adopted.  The  ultimate  end  of  the 
league  was  the  independence  of  the  Philippines  from  Spain 
through  the  following  means :  promotion  of  culture  by  means  of 
study;  the  encouragement  of  material  development  by  stimu- 
lating industry;  unqualified  support  of  La  Solidaridad  as  a 
means  of  propagating  knowledge,  especially  advanced  political 
ideas;  and  free  assemblages  to  discuss  matters  of  public  impor- 


122 


SELF-GOVEKNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


tance.  It  was  also  provided  that  as  soon  as  conditions  warranted, 
the  Filipino  people  would  rise  in  armed  rebellion  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Philippines. 

Those  who  witnessed  the  birth  of  the  society  declared  their 
unqualified  allegiance  and  support  in  a  peculiar  ceremony.  Be- 
fore a  human  skull  every  man  most  solemnly  took  his  oath  to 
support  the  league  and  the  cause  for  which  it  stood,  and  after 
kissing  the  skull  each  signed  the  document  with  his  own  blood 
obtained  by  making  an  incision  in  the  arm.  The  skull  symbolized 
death,  which  to  the  initiated  meant  that  they  were  willing  to 
give  their  life.  Membership  in  the  league  imposed  the  duty  of 
propaganda  by  every  means  possible.  It  was  absolute  denial  of 
self  and  blind  obedience  to  the  superiors.  Above  all  every  mem- 
ber must  exercise  impenetrable  silence  under  penalty  of  death.206 

This  was  the  organization  which  Rizal  had  instituted  before 
his  deportation  to  Dapitan.  Through  mismanagement  of  its 
funds  the  league  was  dissolved.  It  was  reestablished  later  by  its 
ardent  supporters,  but  was  again  dissolved,  to  be  followed  by  the 
famous  Katipunan. 

THE  KATIPUNAN 

La  Liga  Filipino,  was  dissolved  after  the  deportation  of  Dr. 
Rizal  to  Dapitan.  It  was  reorganized  later  by  Andres  Bonifacio, 
Domingo  Franca,  and  others.  lAs  instituted  then  the  purpose  of 
the  league  was  to  collect  funds  for  the  support  of  La  Solidaridad 
and  otherwise  to  support  the  organ  in  order  to  maintain  the 
propaganda  for  the  cause  of  the  Philippines.  But  because  of 
doubts  as  to  its  good  results,  enhanced  by  the  threats  and  risks 
under  which  the  few  loyal  patriots  labored,  the  league  was  dis- 
solved, to  be  succeeded  by  Ang  Kataastaasan  Kagalanggalang 
Katipunan  Mga  Anak  ruing  Bay  an  (The  Sovereign  Worshipful 
Association  of  the  Sons  of  the  Soil),  under  the  leadership  of 
Andres  Bonifacio.207 

Within  a  year  the  membership  of  the  Katipunan  had  extended 

2o«St.  Clair's  The  Katipunan  (Manila,  1902),  pp.  26-31. 

2orOn  November  30,  1919,  the  Filipinos  of  Manila  celebrated  the  birth 
of  Andres  Bonifacio,  and  a  brass  tablet  was  placed  in  the  house  where  the 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE 


123 


from  all  over  Manila  to  Cavite  and  Bulacan.  The  reform  society 
was  organized  secretty.  In  August,  1896,  the  Diario  de  Manila 
discovered  that  its  employees  were  members  of  some  secret  soci- 
ety. Without  any  preliminary  investigation  sweeping  arrests  of 
the  suspects  were  started,  not  even  excluding  the  Freemasons. 
Believing  that  the  movement  must  be  engineered  by  the  educated 
class  further  arrests  were  made.  Sentences  were  swift  as  they 
were  secret,  and  barbarous  tortures  were  employed  to  extract 
confession,  while  many  were  smothered  in  the  dark  cell.  It  was 
during  this  time  that  Dr.  Rizal  was  executed,  an  act  which  in- 
tensified the  bitterness  of  the  Filipino  people  toward  the  Span- 
iards, and  made  the  opposition  to  the  wrongs  and  injustice  more 
united  and  national.  The  execution  was  based  on  no  evidence 
but  on  mere  suspicion  that  had  it  not  been  for  Rizal's  novels  and 
articles  in  La  Solidaridad  the  Filipino  people  would  not  have 
dreamed  of  any  political  reform. 

Andres  Bonifacio  was  compelled  to  take  to  the  mountains  with 
his  staff  and  there  organized  an  army  against  the  civil  guard 
that  was  pursuing  him.  Under  the  command  of  Captain  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  the  Katipuneros  were  able  to  maintain  their  post. 
This  struggle  marks  the  beginning  of  the  Philippine  Revolution 
in  which  35,000  armed  Spaniards  proved  inferior  to  the  imper- 
fectly organized  Filipino  troops  with  not  more  than  six  hundred 
rifles.  The  war  was  quelled  by  the  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato  con- 
cluded December  14,  1897,  in  which  Governor  General  Primo  de 
Rivera  agreed  to  pay  $400,000  to  Aguinaldo  provided  he  and  his 

first  meeting  of  the  Katipunan  was  held.    The  following  was  the  inscription : 

1 '  The  Filipino  People 
Through  the  durability  of  this  metal 
Consecrate  and  perpetuate 
The  historical  value  of  this  house, 
Cradle  of  the  popular  revindications, 
Where  on  July  6,  1892, 
Was  born  to  fight  and  triumph 
Under  the  leadership  of  Andres  Bonifacio 
The  highest  and  most  respectable  association 
Of  the  sons  of  the  soil, 
The  'KATIPUNAN'  " 


^24  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

staff  would  leave  for  Singapore.  Furthermore,  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment agreed  to  the  following  conditions:  to  expel  the  friars 
and  restore  the  lands  held  by  them  in  the  towns;  to  recognize 
the  Filipino  clergy;  to  recognize  religious  freedom,  freedom  of 
the  press,  and  equality  of  persons ;  to  abolish  the  deportation  of 
Filipinos;  and  to  allow  representation  in  the  Cortes  of  Spain.208 

Whatever  significance  may  be  attributed  to  the  Liga  Filipina 
or  to  the  Katipunan  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  society  marked 
the  birth  of  an  idea  rather  than  of  an  institution.  The  Kati- 
punan was  an  offshoot  of  the  Liga  FiUpina  and  while  it  differed 
somewhat  from  its  mother  society  it  was  organized  to  support  the 
principles  which  the  league  had  advanced.  The  changes  that 
were  effected  were  due  to  the  new  conditions  of  the  time.  The 
father  of  the  Katipunan,  Andres  Bonifacio,  was  a  profound 
student  of  history.  Those  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
reformer  testify  that  Bonifacio  would  pass  many  a  night  reading 
and  his  mind  was  so  influenced  that  he  was  sometimes  called  the 
Filipino  Don  Quixote.  He  read  much  on  the  French  revolution 
and  naturally  his  reforms  were  aimed  at  a  Philippine  Commune 
equal  to  that  of  the  French. 

Besides  giving  expression  to  the  Filipinos'  aspiration  for  a 
unified  nationality,  the  Katipunan  was  also  the  origin  of  that 
national  symbol  which  to-day  flies  beside  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
—  the  Tricolor  of  the  Filipino  people.  Pantaleon  Torres,  a 
prominent  Katipunero,  relates  that  the  Filipino  flag  originated 
from  the  symbol  of  the  Katipunan.  The  insignia  of  the  society 
was  a  triangle  signifying  the  three  divisions  of  the  Philippine 
Archipelago  —  Luzon,  Visayas,  and  Mindanao.  Where  the 
rising  sun  is  on  the  flag  there  used  to  be  a  K  signifying  the 
Katipunan,  surrounded  by  sixteen  sun  rays  which  represented 
the  Supreme  Council  of  sixteen  members.  The  red,  white,  and 
blue  was  adopted  from  the  French  tri-color. 

During  its  life  from  1892-1896  the  Katipunan  experienced 
repeated  dissolution  and  rebirth.  Each  time  it  revived  it  as- 
sumed a  somewhat  different  aspect  according  to  conditions,  but 

208  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1900,  "Vol.  I,  p.  170. 


HERITAGE  OP  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE  J25 

it  maintained  its  political  nature.  It  was  re-instituted  in  1906 
but  gradually  dwindled  away  to  extinction.209  The  organ  has 
vanished,  but  the  idea  is  stronger  than  ever.  It  will  not  rise 
again  for  its  need  is  past  but  its  tradition  has  lodged  in  the  soul 
of  every  Filipino.  By  virtue  of  the  Katipunan  the  Filipino 
people,  seemingly  divided  into  groups,  have  found  a  common 
cause  for  which  they  have  offered  their  best. 

THE  PR  ATT- AGUINALDO  ALLIANCE:    THE  LOST  CAUSE 

During  the  war  in  Cuba  there  were  in  Singapore  a  number  of 
Filipino  political  exiles  who  were  eagerly  watching  the  develop- 
ment of  events  especially  with  regard  to  the  probable  conflict 
between  the  "Great  North  American  Republic"  and  Spain. 
Here  developed  the  tacit  alliance  between  United  States  Consul 
Spencer  Pratt  at  Singapore  and  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  — 
the  historical  incident  which  will  forever  be  remembered  in  the 
annals  of  the  Philippine  history. 

General  Aguinaldo  arrived  in  Singapore  on  April  21,  1898, 
the  day  when  the  United  States  declared  war  with  Spain  to  lib- 
erate oppressed  Cuba.  Only  two  days  elapsed  before  Mr.  Pratt 
learned  that  Aguinaldo  was  sojourning  incognito  in  Singapore, 
and  "being  aware  of  the  great  prestige  of  General  Aguinaldo 
with  the  insurgents,  and  that  no  one,  either  at  home  or  abroad, 
could  exert  over  them  the  same  influence  and  control  that  he 
could",  he  determined  at  once  to  see  him.210     A  "secret  inter- 

20»  The  oath  adopted  in  1906  was  as  follows: 

"By  the  name  of  the  Supreme  Bathala  and  in  the  presence  of  his  image 
and  of  all  the  brethren  of  the  K  K  K  as  well  as  of  the  sons  of  the  country 
I  swear  from  the  innermost  of  my  heart  to  love  and  obey  everything  that 
is  set  forth  in  the  doctrine  of  the  K  K  K  of  the  sons  of  the  country  that 
has  been  read  to  me  and  which  I  find  to  be  unquestionable.  I  promise  and 
swear  to  observe,  obey  and  follow  the  United  States  of  America  and  that  I 
will  never  forswear  myself. 

And  in  testimony  of  this  oath  and  promise,  I  sign  it  with  the  blood 
drawn  from  my  breast  and  over  my  heart." — Cablenews-American,  Septem- 
ber 1,  1907,  p.  3. 

210  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  341;  see  Blount's  American  Occupation  of  the  Philippines, 
Chs.  I,  II. 


226  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

view"  was  arranged  in  which  Howard  W.  Bray,  ' ' Aguinaldo 's 
Englishman",  who  left  the  Islands  on  account  of  the  revolution, 
acted  as  the  interpreter.  What  transpired  in  the  interview  is 
well  portrayed  in  the  columns  of  The  Singapore  Free  Press  of 
May  4,  1898,  which  read,  in  part,  as  follows: 

During  the  conference,  at  which  Mr.  Bray  acted  as  interpreter,  General 
Aguinaldo  explained  to  the  American  consul-general,  Mr.  Pratt,  the  inci- 
dents and  objects  of  the  late  rebellion,  and  described  the  present  disturbed 
state  of  the  country.  General  Aguinaldo  then  proceeded  to  detail  the 
nature  of  the  cooperation  he  could  give,  in  which  he,  in  the  event  of  Amer- 
ican forces  from  the  squadron  landing  and  taking  possession  of  Manila, 
would  guarantee  to  maintain  order  and  discipline  among  the  native  troops 
and  inhabitants  in  the  humane  way  in  which  he  had  hitherto  conducted  the 
war,  and  prevent  them  from  committing  outrages  on  defenseless  Spaniards 
beyond  the  inevitable  in  fair  and  honorable  warfare.  He  further  declared 
his  ability  to  establish  a  proper  and  responsible  government  on  liberal  prin- 
ciples, and  would  be  willing  to  accept  the  same  terms  for  the  country  as  the 
United  States  intend  giving  Cuba. 

General  Aguinaldo 's  policy  embraces  the  independence  of  the  Philippines, 
where  internal  affairs  would  be  controlled  under  European  and  American 
advisers.  American  protection  would  be  desirable  temporarily,  on  the  same 
lines  as  that  which  might  be  instituted  hereafter  in  Cuba.  The  ports  of  the 
Philippines  would  be  free  to  the  trade  of  the  world  ....  complete 
reform  of  the  present  corrupt  judicature  ....  the  right  of  public 
meeting  ....  general  religious  toleration  ....  abolition  and 
expulsion  of  the  tyrannical  religious  fraternities  who  have  laid  such  strong 
hands  on  every  branch  of  civil  administration.  .  .  .  Full  provision  .  . 
.  .  for  the  exploitation  of  the  natural  resources  and  wealth  of  the  country 
by  roads  and  railways.  .  .  .  The  preservation  of  public  safety  and 
order.     .     .     .211 

The  consul  general  of  the  United  States,  approving  the  general 
views  expressed  during  the  discussion,  telegraphed  to  Admiral 
Dewey:  "Aguinaldo,  insurgent  leader,  here.  Will  come  Hong- 
kong arrange  with  Commodore  for  general  cooperation  insur- 
gents Manila  if  desired.  Telegraph".  Admiral  Dewey  replied, 
"Tell  Aguinaldo  come  soon  as  possible."212 

211  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  345. 

212  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  342. 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE  J27 

Mr.  Pratt  had  a  busy  time  securing  transportation  for  Aguin- 
aldo  and  his  staff  under  assumed  names,  but  being  compelled  to 
remove  his  squadron  from  neutral  waters,  Admiral  Dewey  de- 
parted before  the  party  could  arrive.  It  was  not  until  May  16, 
1898,  that  Mr.  Wildman,  United  States  consul  at  Hongkong, 
succeeded  in  putting  Aguinaldo  on  board  the  McCulloch  for 
Manila.     They  arrived  there  three  days  later. 

It  is  now  proper  to  consider  what  the  Filipinos  themselves 
were  doing  and  in  what  frame  of  mind  they  were  all  this  time. 
Before  Admiral  Dewey  had  arrived  in  Manila  Bay  the  Filipinos 
at  Singapore  forwarded  a  manifesto  to  Manila  with  this  heading, 
" America's  Allies  —  The  Manifesto  op  the  Filipinos." 
Parts  of  the  manifesto  read  as  follows : 

Compatriots:  Divine  Providence  is  about  to  place  independence  within 
our  reach.     .     .     . 

The  Americana  not  from  mercenary  motives  but  for  the  sake  of  humanity 
and  the  lamentations  of  so  many  persecuted  people,  have  considered  it 
opportune  to  extend  this  protecting  mantle  to  our  beloved  country,  now  that 
they  have  been  obliged  to  sever  relations  with  Spain,  owing  to  the  tyranny 
this  nation  is  exercising  in  Cuba.     .     .     . 

At  the  present  moment  an  American  squadron  is  preparing  to  sail  for  the 
Philippines. 

We  ....  are  very  much  afraid  that  you  may  be  induced  to  fire  on 
the  Americans.  No,  brothers,  never  make  this  mistake.  Rather  blow  your 
own  brains  out  than  fire  a  shot  or  treat  as  enemies  those  who  are  your 
liberators.     .     .     . 

Take  note,  the  Americans  will  attack  by  sea  ....  we  insurgents 
must  attack  by  land.     .     .     . 

There,  where  you  see  the  American  flag  flying,  assemble  in  numbers;  they 
are  our  redeemers. 

Our  unworthy  names  are  as  nothing,  but  one  and  all  of  us  invoke  the 
name  of  the  patriot  our  country  has  seen,  in  the  sure  and  certain  hope  that 
his  spirit  will  be  with  us  in  those  moments  and  guide  us  to  victory  —  our 
immortal  Jose  Rizal.sis 

How  the  Filipinos  took  to  this  proclamation  was  described  as 
follows  by  Oscar  F.  Williams,  American  consul  in  Manila,  in  his 
letter  to  the  State  Department  on  May  12,  1898 : 

213  Senate  Documents.  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  346. 


]28  SELF-GOVERNMENT    IN    THE    PHILIPPINES 

To  aid  you,  if  possible,  permit  me  to  give  assurance  of  the  friendliness  of 
the  Philippine  natives  to  our  country  and  to  me  as  its  representative.  .  .  . 
I  last  week  went  on  shore  at  Cavite  with  British  consul,  in  his  launch,  to 
show  the  destruction  wrought  by  our  fleet.  As  soon  as  the  natives  found  me 
out,  they  crowded  around  me,  hats  off,  shouting,  "Viva  los  Americanos," 
thronged  about  me  by  hundreds  to  shake  either  hand,  even  several  at  a 
time,  men,  women,  and  children  striving  to  get  even  a  finger  to  shake.  So  I 
moved  half  a  mile,  shaking  continuously  with  both  hands.     .     .     .214 

Mr.  Pratt  gave  the  same  testimony  in  his  letter  to  Secretary 
Day  on  June  2,  1898,  although  he  seemed  to  have  some  personal 
motive  as  may  be  seen  from  the  following  quotation: 

Considering  the  enthusiastic  manner  General  Aguinaldo  has  been  received 
by  the  natives  and  the  confidence  with  which  he  already  appears  to  have 
inspired  Admiral  Dewey,  it  will  be  admitted,  I  think,  that  I  did  not  over- 
rate his  importance  and  that  I  have  materially  assisted  the  cause  of  the 
United  States  in  the  Philippines  in  securing  his  cooperation.215 

The  attitude  of  mind  in  which  Aguinaldo  and  his  staff  were  in 
upon  landing  in  Manila  may  be  shown  by  some  correspondence 
with  the  American  representatives,  always  bearing  in  mind  what 
had  transpired  in  the  " secret  interview".  On  June  11,  1898, 
Mr.  Pratt  wrote  Aguinaldo: 

I  wrote  fully  to  Admiral  Dewey  concerning  you,  and  to  the  American 
people  have  pointed  out  that  you  and  you  alone  were  equal  to  the  occasion. 

From  Consul  General  Wildman  at  Hongkong  Aguinaldo  re- 
ceived this  message,  dated  June  25th: 

I  have  vouched  for  your  honesty  and  earnestness  of  purpose  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  and  to  our  own  people,  and  they  are  ready  to 
extend  their  hand  to  you  as  a  brother  and  aid  you  in  every  laudable  ambi- 
tion. I  give  you  my  assurance  that  you  can  always  call  upon  me  to  act  as 
your  champion  should  any  try  to  slander  your  name. 

Do  not  forget  that  the  United  States  undertook  this  war  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  relieving  the  Cubans  from  the  cruelties  under  which  they  were 
suffering,  and  not  for  the  love  of  conquest  or  the  hope  of  gain.  They  are 
actuated  by  precisely  the  same  feelings  toward  the  Filipinos.  Whatever  the 
final  disposition  toward  the  conquered  territory  may  be,  you  can  trust  the 

214  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  327. 

215  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  347. 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE  ^29 

United  States  that  justice  and  honor  will  control  all  their  dealings  with 
you.2i6 

This  was  diplomatic  encouragement  for  Aguinaldo  as  if  to  say, 
"Go  to  it,  my  man,  and  lick  the  Spaniards  while  the  army  is 
rushed  across  the  Pacific ' ',  and  Mr.  Wildman  carefully  refrained 
from  discouraging  Aguinaldo. 

The  Filipinos,  thirty  thousand  strong,  hailed  Aguinaldo  when 
he  landed  in  Cavite.  Five  days  later  Consul  Williams  reported 
to  Secretary  Day  that  ' '  37,000  insurgents  stand  ready  to  aid  the 
United  States  forces,  and  General  Aguinaldo 's  headquarters 
were  this  A.  M.  at  7  o'clock  surrounded  by  500  to  1,000  men 
eager  to  enlist.    I  was  there  at  that  hour  and  saw  the  men."217 

Such  was  the  attitude  of  the  Filipino  people  and  their  enthusi- 
astic cooperation  with  the  United  States.  Their  expectations 
were,  indeed,  obvious  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  Philippines. 
They  received  the  diplomatic  encouragement  of  the  American 
consuls. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  Admiral  Dewey  was  not  summoned  to 
report  on  his  relations  with  Aguinaldo  until  a  long  time  had 
elapsed,  when  the  memories  of  the  years  had  become  dim.  Four 
years  later,  before  the  Senate  committee,  Admiral  Dewey  ap- 
peared to  testify  concerning  the  information  which  had  come  to 
the  Senate  pertaining  to  Aguinaldo  and  the  revolution.  The 
Admiral  began  thus : 

Aguinaldo  came  to  see  me.  I  said,  "Well,  now,  go  ashore  there,  we  have 
got  our  foree  at  the  arsenal  at  Cavite,  go  ashore  and  start  your  army." 
He  came  back  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours  and  said,  ''I  want  to  leave  here; 
I  want  to  go  to  Japan."  I  said,  "Don't  give  it  up,  Don  Emilio. "  I 
wanted  his  help  you  know.  He  did  not  sleep  ashore  that  night;  he  slept  on 
board  the  ship.  The  next  morning  he  went  on  shore,  still  inside  my  lines, 
and  began  recruiting  men.218 

The  Senate  committee  wanted  to  know  the  exact  relations 

2i6  Congressional  Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4287  (April  17, 
1900). 

2it  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  329. 

218  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXV,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  3,  p.  2928. 

9 


J30  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

which  existed  between  Aguinaldo  and  Mr.  Pratt.  It  is  rather 
curious  to  note  that  the  Admiral  repeatedly  said,  "I  did  not 
attach  any  importance  to  it."219 

A  member  of  the  committee  seemed  to  have  sensed  this,  for  we 
read  in  the  report  :220 

Admiral  Dewey:     "I  do   not  think  it  makes  any   difference  what   my 

opinion  is  on  these  things." 

Senator  Patterson:    "There  is  no  man  whose  opinion  goes  further  with 

the  country  than  yours  does,  Admiral,  and  therefore  I  think  you  ought  to  be 

prudent  in  expressing  your  view." 

Senator  Beveridge  (Acting  Chairman):    "The  chairman  will  not  permit 

any  member  to  lecture  Admiral  Dewey  on  his  prudence  or  his  imprudence." 
Senator  Patterson:    "I  was  not  lecturing  him." 
Senator  Beveridge:    "Yes,  you  said  he  ought  to  be  prudent." 
Senator  Patterson:    "And  I  think  it  was  well  enough  to  suggest  those 

things. ' ' 

Admiral  Dewey  declared  that  he  had  used  the  Filipinos  as 
the  Federal  troops  used  the  negroes  during  the  Civil  War,  upon 
which  Senator  Patterson  replied  that  the  negroes  were  slaves 
and  the  Filipinos  were  expecting  freedom.  The  Admiral  testi- 
fied that  the  Filipinos  were  slaves,  too,  who  looked  upon  him  as 
their  liberator.  Then  why  did  the  Admiral  say  that  "these 
people  (Filipinos)  are  far  superior  in  their  intelligence  and 
more  capable  of  self-government  than  the  natives  of  Cuba,  and  I 
am  familiar  with  both  races",  adding  later,  "Further  inter- 
course with  them  has  confirmed  me  in  this  opinion"?221  Would 
a  representative  of  a  powerful  nation  make  an  alliance  with 
slaves?  Admiral  Dewey  could  certainly  not  associate  Filipino 
aspirations  with  the  freedom  of  the  slaves. 

While  the  United  States  troops  were  speeding  across  the  Pa- 
cific the  Filipino  troops  kept  the  Spaniards  hemmed  within  the 
Walled  City  on  ever  shortening  rations.     "Under  our  guns", 

2i»  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXV,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  3,  p.  2948. 

220  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXV,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  3,  p.  2965. 

221  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  383. 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE  ±%± 

and  united  by  the  thought  of  "Cuba  libre",  the  Filipinos 
1 '  whipped  the  Spaniards  battle  after  battle. '  '222  Every  Filipino 
that  fell  was  a  life  laid  down  for  an  American.  "He  (Aguin- 
aldo)  was  most  obedient",  declared  the  Admiral  before  the  com- 
mittee. "Up  to  the  time  the  army  came  he  did  everything  I 
requested."223  The  general  impression  given  the  Filipinos  was, 
"We  intend  to  whip  the  Spaniards  and  set  you  free."224  The 
Filipinos  captured  thousands  of  Spaniards  and  Admiral  Dewey 
turned  over  to  Aguinaldo  his  prisoners  for  care.  Under  these 
circumstances  the  Admiral,  could  not  but  attach  importance  to 
the  cause  of  the  Filipino  people.  Furthermore,  Aguinaldo  was 
very  closely  watched  by  Admiral  Dewey,  Consul  Williams,  and 
his  own  junta  in  Hongkong,  and  Consul  Williams  wrote  Secre- 
tary Day  on  August  4,  1898: 

It  has  been  ray  study  to  keep  on  pleasant  terms  with  General  Aguinaldo 
for  ultimate  objects.  By  so  doing  I  have  avoided  certain  troubles  and  aided 
our  forces.  Admiral  Dewey  says  I  have  planted  the  seeds  of  cordial  co- 
operation. 225 

But  man  forgets  and  Admiral  Dewey  did  "not  remember 
having  said  that."226 

A  reader  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Senate  committee  receives 
two  impressions :  either  Admiral  Dewey  could  not  remember,  for 
it  was  four  years  ago ;  or  he  was  reserved  in  his  statement.  So  it 
is  not  surprising  that  the  situation  did  not  get  any  clearer,  and 
has  remained  so  to  the  present  time.  It  will  probably  never  be 
clarified  to  the  complete  satisfaction  of  future  historians. 

222  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXV,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  3,  p.  2928. 

223  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXV,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  3,  p.  2956. 

224  Congressional  "Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4288  (April  17, 
1900). 

22«  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  331. 

22«  Senate  Documents,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Vol.  XXV,  Document 
No.  331,  Pt.  3,  p.  2951. 


J39  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

While  the  Filipino  forces  were  engaged  in  these  battles,  the 
climax  of  the  story  was  transpiring  in  Singapore.  The  Filipinos 
in  Singapore  paid  their  respects  to  Consul  Pratt  after  the  vic- 
tories of  Aguinaldo.  What  took  place  on  this  occasion  is  well 
portrayed  in  the  Singapore  Free  Press  of  June  9,  1898,  and  in 
the  Straits  Times  of  the  same  date,  copies  of  which  Mr.  Pratt 
forwarded  to  the  State  Department  "with  duplicates  for  the 
press  should  you  consider  their  publication  desirable.' ' 

A  little  after  five  in  the  afternoon,  says  the  press,  representa- 
tives of  the  Filipino  residents  in  Singapore  waited  upon  Consul 
General  Pratt  at  his  residence  in  Raffles  Hotel.  Their  purpose 
was  to  present  an  address  congratulating  the  consul  on  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Americans  and  to  express  their  gratitude  for  the 
protection  which  the  United  States  gave  their  national  cause. 
Among  the  prominent  people  present  were  W.  G.  St.  Clair, 
editor  of  the  Singapore  Free  Press,  and  A.  Reid,  editor  of  the 
Straits  Times.  Wearing  the  badge  of  the  Liga  Filipina,  which 
Aguinaldo  had  presented  him,  Mr.  Pratt  appeared  before  the 
delegation.  Mr.  Bray,  also  wearing  the  badge,  presented  the 
delegation  to  the  consul  and  Dr.  Santos,  the  spokesman  of  the 
Filipinos,  addressed  the  American  representative  in  French, 
speaking  in  part  as  follows  :227 

Sir:  The  Filipino  colony  resident  in  this  port,  composed  of  representa- 
tives of  all  social  classes,  have  come  to  present  their  respects  to  you  as  the 
legitimate  representative  of  the  great  and  powerful  American  Republic,  in 
order  to  express  our  eternal  gratitude  for  the  moral  and  material  protection 
extended  by  Admiral  Dewey  to  our  trusted  leader  Gen.  Emilio  Aguinaldo, 
who  has  been  driven  to  take  up  arms  in  the  name  of  8,000,000  Filipinos  in 
defense  of  those  very  principles  of  justice  and  liberty,  of  which  your  coun- 
try is  the  foremost  champion. 

Our  countrymen,  at  home,  and  those  of  us  residing  here,  refugees  from 
Spanish  misrule  and  tyranny  in  our  native  land,  hope  that  the  United 
States,  your  nation,  persevering  in  its  humane  policy,  will  efficaciously  sec- 
ond the  program  arranged  between  you,  sir,  and  General  Aguinaldo  in  this 
port  of  Singapore,  and  secure  to  us  our  independence  under  the  protection 
of  the  United  States. 

Our  warmest  thanks  are  especially  due  to  you,  sir,  personally,  for  having 

227  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  pp.  350-353. 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILDPINO  PEOPLE  J33 

been  the  first  to  cultivate  relations  with  General  Aguinaldo  and  arrange  for 
his  cooperation  with  Admiral  Dewey,  thus  supporting  our  aspirations  which 
time  and  subsequent  actions  have  developed  and  caused  to  meet  with  the 
applause  and  approbation  of  your  nation. 

After  listening  to  the  address  Mr.  Pratt  also  speaking  in 
French  replied: 

Gentlemen,  the  honor  you  have  conferred  upon  me  is  so  unexpected  that 
I  can  not  find  appropriate  words  with  which  to  thank  you  and  with  which 
to  reply.  .  .  .  Rest  assured,  though,  that  I  fully  understand  and  sin- 
cerely appreciate  the  motives  that  have  prompted  your  present  action  and 
that  your  words,  which  have  sunk  deep  in  my  heart,  shall  be  faithfully 
repeated  to  the  President,  to  Admiral  Dewey,  and  to  the  American  people  — 
from  whom  I  am  sure  that  they  will  meet  with  full  and  generous  response. 
A  little  over  a  month  ago  the  world  resounded  with  the  praises  of  Admiral 
Dewey  and  his  fellow-officers  and  men  for  a  glorious  victory  won  by  the 
American  Asiatic  Squadron  in  the  Bay  of  Manila.  Now  we  have  the  news 
of  the  brilliant  achievements  of  your  own  distinguished  leader,  Gen.  Emilio 
Aguinaldo,  cooperating  on  land  with  the  Americans  at  sea.  You  have  just 
reason  to  be  proud  of  what  has  been  and  is  being  accomplished  by  General 
Emilio  Aguinaldo  and  your  fellow-countrymen  under  his  command.  When 
six  weeks  ago  I  learned  that  General  Aguinaldo  had  arrived  incognito  in 
Singapore,  I  immediately  sought  him  out.  An  hour's  interview  convinced 
me  that  he  was  the  man  for  the  occasion;  and  having  communicated  with 
Admiral  Dewey,  I  accordingly  arranged  for  him  to  join  the  latter,  which  he 
did,  at  Cavite.     The  rest  you  know. 

I  am  thankful  to  have  been  the  means,  though  incidental  means,  of  bring- 
ing about  the  arrangement  between  General  Aguinaldo  and  Admiral  Dewey, 
which  has  resulted  so  happily.  I  can  only  hope  that  the  eventful  outcome 
will  be  all  that  can  be  desired  for  the  happiness  and  the  welfare  of  the 
Filipinos. 

After  Mr.  Pratt's  speech  Dr.  Santos,  addressing  his  paisanos, 
made  some  complimentary  remarks  about  the  keen  foresight  of 
the  consul.  He  further  expressed  his  desire  to  have  an  American 
flag  as  a  token  of  the  patriotic  occasion.  Gladly  complying  with 
the  request  Mr.  Pratt  presented  the  flag  saying: 

This  flag  was  borne  in  battle,  and  is  the  emblem  of  that  liberty  that  you 
are  seeking  to  attain.  Its  red  stripes  represent  the  blood  that  was  shed  for 
the  cause;  the  white  represents  the  purity  of  the  motive;  the  blue  field 
stands  for  the  azure  of  the  sky;  the  stars  are  the  free  and  independent 
States  of  the  Union.  Take  the  flag  and  keep  it  as  a  souvenir  of  the 
occasion. 


-J34  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

Dr.  Santos  received  it  most  reverently  and  waving  it  amidst 
cheers  said  to  Mr.  Pratt  it  would  be  preserved  for  future  gener- 
ations to  look  upon. 

Amidst  successive  vivas  the  assemblage  cheered  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  Consul  General  Pratt,  Admiral  Dewey, 
General  Aguinaldo,  and  England,  the  "nation  hospitaliere", 
after  which  the  consul  retired  to  listen  to  the  serenade  of  the 
Filipino  band. 

Mr.  Pratt  kept  the  State  Department  informed  by  cable  and 
this  was  followed  by  correspondence.  The  first  news  the  consul 
received  from  the  State  Department  was,  "Avoid  unauthorized 
negotiations  with  Philippine  insurgents",  to  which  he  replied: 
"No  intention  negotiate.  Left  that  Dewey  who  desired  Aguin- 
aldo come." 

These  telegraphic  exchanges  were  dated  June  17th,  and  the 
State  Department  also  sent  a  letter  to  the  consul  regarding  his 
telegraphic  communications,  but  when  he  received  this  no  one 
knows.  Furthermore,  these  exchanges  took  place  after  the  patri- 
otic demonstration  for  Mr.  Pratt  when  things  had  developed  to 
the  highest  point.    Among  other  things,  the  official  letter  said : 

To  obtain  the  unconditional  personal  assistance  of  General  Aguinaldo  in 
the  expedition  to  Manila  was  proper,  if  in  so  doing  he  was  not  induced  to 
form  hopes  which  might  not  be  practicable  to  gratify.228 

Obviously  the  State  Department  was  not  aware  of  the  events 
which  were  developing  on  the  other  side  of  the  sea,  and  did  not 
find  reason  to  question  Mr.  Pratt's  dealings  until  the  receipt  of 
the  Straits  Times  which  described  the  patriotic  rally.  Shocked 
by  the  speeches  the  Department  wrote  Mr.  Pratt: 

The  extract  communicated  by  you  from  the  Straits  Times  of  the  9th  of 
June  has  occasioned  a  feeling  of  disquietude  and  a  doubt  as  to  whether 
some  of  your  acts  may  not  have  borne  a  significance  and  produced  an  im- 
pression which  this  government  would  be  compelled  to  regret. 

The  address  presented  to  you  by  the  twenty-five  or  thirty  Filipinos  who 
gathered  about  the  consulate  discloses  an  understanding  on  their  part  that 
the  object  of  Admiral  Dewey  was  to  support  the  cause  of  General  Aguin- 

228  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  pp.  354,  355. 


HERITAGE  OP  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE  J35 

aldo,  and  that  the  ultimate  object  of  our  action  is  to  secure  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Philippines  "under  the  protection  of  the  United  States." 

Your  address  does  not  repeal  this  implication,  and  it  moreover  represents 
that  General  Aguinaldo  was  "sought  out  by  you",  whereas  it  has  been  the 
understanding  of  the  Department  that  you  received  him  only  upon  the  re- 
quest of  a  British  subject  named  Bray  who  formerly  lived  in  the  Philip- 
pines. Your  further  reference  to  General  Aguinaldo  as  "the  man  for  the 
occasion"  and  to  your  "bringing  about"  the  "arrangement"  between 
"General  Aguinaldo  and  Admiral  Dewey  which  has  resulted  so  happily", 
also  represents  the  matter  in  a  light  which  causes  apprehension  lest  your 
action  may  have  laid  ground  for  future  complications. 

For  these  reasons  the  Department  has  not  caused  the  article  to  be  given 
to  the  press,  lest  it  might  seem  thereby  to  lend  a  sanction  to  views  the 
expression  of  which  it  had  not  authorized.228 

The  fear  of  the  State  Department  for  ''future  complications" 
was  like  a  prophecy.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  monograph  to 
recall  the  blunders  of  the  past  and  thus  revive  the  profound 
disappointment  and  the  unspeakable  bitterness  which  over- 
whelmed the  Filipino  people  in  1898.  In  the  light  of  these 
documents  the  war  between  the  Americans  and  the  Filipinos  was 
not  a  part  of  the  Spanish-American  War :  it  was  a  separate  war 
by  itself.  The  misunderstanding  was  as  unfortunate  as  it  was 
unnecessary,  but  the  Filipinos  could  not  be  blamed  for  the  stand 
they  took.  They  felt  they  had  been  tricked,  deceived,  duped, 
and  deprived  of  their  legitimate  and  natural  rights  and  liberties, 
of  which  "the  United  States  of  the  North  is  a  foremost  cham- 
pion"; and  all  this  happened  because  of  Mr.  Pratt's  seeking 
Aguinaldo.  How  one  man  can  change  the  history  of  a  na- 
tion!230 The  Filipinos  fought  for  the  Americans;  and  when 
the  troops  arrived  in  June  the  war  was  over.  Because  of  the 
long  distance  which  was  made  doubly  long  by  the  notoriously 
slow  mail,  the  authorities  at  Washington  were  unavoidably  ig- 

229  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  357. 

230  in  his  book,  The  Filipino  Martyrs,  Ch.  V,  Richard  Sheridan,  B.  M.  P., 
an  eye  witness  of  the  happenings  during  the  year  assigns  the  negotiation 
with  Aguinaldo  to  Admiral  Dewey.  Consul  Pratt  caused  the  misunder- 
standing and  Admiral  Dewey  complicated  it. 


236  SELE-GOVEENMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

norant  of  the  details  of  the  events  across  the  waters  until  they 
had  developed  too  far.  It  seems,  however,  that  in  one  instance, 
especially  since  it  took  place  after  the  collapse  of  Mr.  Pratt,  the 
State  Department  could  have  gone  a  step  further  in  its  instruc- 
tion to  Consul  Williams  in  Manila. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Department  of  State  was  reading 
the  story  of  the  Filipinos'  visit  to  Mr.  Pratt  at  Singapore, 
Consul  Williams  in  Manila  was  writing  to  Secretary  Day,  de- 
scribing the  successive  victories  of  Aguinaldo 's  forces.  Among 
other  things  the  consul  said,  "Last  Sunday,  12th,  they  held  a 
council  to  form  a  provisional  government.  I  was  urged  to  attend 
but  thought  best  to  decline."  In  reply  to  this  the  Department 
wrote,  "Your  course,  while  maintaining  amicable  relations  with 
the  insurgents,  in  abstaining  from  any  participation  in  their 
adoption  of  their  so-called  provisional  government,  is  ap- 
proved."231 Having  fully  understood  the  real  situation  why  did 
not  the  State  Department  go  a  step  more  in  the  instruction,  and 
discourage  Aguinaldo  from  entertaining  his  hopes?  This  letter 
was  dated  August  4,  1898,  and  the  war  with  the  Filipinos  did 
not  break  out  until  February,  1899.  w-- 

When  the  United  States  troops  landed  in  Cavite  General 
Aguinaldo  had  already  promulgated  a  declaration  that  the 
Philippines  were  independent  and  forwarded  a  copy  to  Admiral 
Dewey  who  sent  it  to  the  State  Department  without  reading  it. 
The  opinion  of  another  official  who  was  not  connected  with  the 
plan  may  throw  some  light  on  the  contested  subject.  When 
General  Anderson  called  on  Aguinaldo  in  company  with  Ad- 
miral Dewey,  the  Filipino  chief  asked  him  whether  "the  United 
States  of  the  North"  had  recognized  the  independence  of  the 
Philippines.232  "I  am  not  quite  sure",  General  Anderson  con- 
tinues, "as  to  the  form  of  the  question,  whether  it  was  'had'  or 
'would'.  In  either  form  it  was  embarrassing."  But  because  he 
was  "trying  to  contract  with  the  Filipinos  for  horses,  carts,  fuel 

23i  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  pp.  329,  330. 

232  Congressional  Becord,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4289  (April  17, 
1900). 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE  ^37 

and  forage",  General  Anderson  evaded  the  question  to  the  dis- 
pleasure of  Aguinaldo.  The  Filipino  general  then  remarked, 
' '  I  have  studied  attentively  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  I  find  in  it  no  authority  for  colonies,  and  I  have  no  fear." 
Add  to  this  Admiral  Dewey's  statement  himself  to  Aguinaldo 
that  "we  were  honorable  and  having  plenty  of  land,  desired  no 
colonies",  and  the  reason  for  the  war  is  seen.  General  Anderson 
continues : 

Whether  Admiral  Dewey,  Consuls  Pratt,  Wildman,  and  Williams  did  or 
did  not  give  Aguinaldo  assurances  that  the  Philippine  government  would  be 
recognized,  the  Filipinos  certainly  thought  so,  probably  inferring  this  from 
their  acts  rather  than  their  statement. 

The  common  saying  was,  "We  intend  to  free  you  from 
Spain."  Whatever  this  might  mean  the  Filipinos  felt  assured 
that  their  program  would  receive  the  recognition  of  the  United 
States.  It  may  be  observed  that  if  General  Anderson  had  per- 
ceived the  situation  a  few  days  after  his  arrival  how  could 
Admiral  Dewey  afford  to  repeat:  "I  did  not  attach  any  impor- 
tance to  it"?  "I  wanted  his  ( Aguinaldo 's)  help,  you  know." 
This  "ultimate  object"  seemed  to  have  drowned  the  considera- 
tion of  other  things ;  and  this  was  just  what  hurt  the  Filipinos. 
Admiral  Dewey  desired  Aguinaldo  to  whip  the  Spaniards  so  that 
the  United  States  army  could  "march  in".  They  did  "march 
in"  for  the  Filipino  troops  kept  the  common  enemy  bottled  up 
in  the  Walled  City. 

General  Anderson  relates  an  incident  which  deserves  mention 
because  of  its  singularity.  At  a  banquet  given  by  the  Filipino 
officers  to  the  American  officials  in  the  city  of  Manila,  toasts  and 
speeches  were  given  by  the  army  and  navy  officials.  One  of  them 
said  that  the  United  States  had  come  not  to  make  the  Filipinos 
slaves  but  freemen.  A  singular  spectacle  followed.  All  the 
Filipinos  rose  to  their  feet  and  Buencamino,  raising  his  glass  of 
wine,  said,  "We  wish  to  be  baptized  in  that  sentiment."  So 
saying  every  one  poured  his  wine  over  his  head. 

Then  came  General  Merritt,  a  man  who  was  more  of  a  soldier 
than  a  diplomat,  with  instruction  to  avoid  the  Filipinos.  Con- 
ditions changed  as  if  overnight.    The  general,  instead  of  tempo- 


138 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


rizing,  deliberately  ignored  the  Filipinos  and  turned  a  deaf  ear 
to  their  cause.  He  not  only  refused  the  cooperation  of  the  Fili- 
pino forces  but  ordered  the  Filipinos  to  remove  from  the  city  of 
Manila.  Had  General  Merritt  exercised  the  least  diplomacy 
with  the  Filipinos,  the  American  occupation  of  the  Philippines 
would  have  been  spotless. 

The  opening  of  hostilities  between  the  Americans  and  the  Fili- 
pinos on  February  4,  1899,  added  a  chapter  to  the  history  of  the 
Filipino  people.  It  changed  the  destiny  of  the  ten  million  Fili- 
pinos, for  what  might  have  been  their  story  had  America  left  the 
Islands  to  them  as  could  have  been  done  under  the  circumstances  ? 
But  Consul  Pratt  had  arranged  it  and  the  war  broke  out.  On 
those  who  fought  for  them  the  American  soldiers  turned  their 
guns  and  slaughtered  them  by  the  thousands.  The  homes  that 
received  them  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  province  after  province 
was  devastated.    The  mere  statement  of  the  facts  is  sufficient. 

A  question  has  been  raised  as  to  whether  the  Philippine  Re- 
public which  General  Aguinaldo  organized  had  really  the  sup- 
port of  the  Filipino  people.  Instead  of  relying  upon  the  opinion 
of  a  Filipino,  the  words  of  General  MacArthur  on  this  phase  of 
the  problem  may  be  quoted : 

t\When  I  first  started  in  against  these  rebels,  I  believed  that  Aguinaldo 's 
troops  represented  only  a  faction.  I  did  not  like  to  believe  that  the  whole 
population  on  Luzon  —  the  native  population,  that  is  —  were  opposed  to 
us  and  our  offers  of  aid  and  good  government.  But  after  having  come  this 
far,  after  having  occupied  several  towns  and  cities  in  succession,  and  hav- 
ing been  brought  much  in  contact  with  both  insurrectos  and  amigos,  I  have 
been  reluctantly  compelled  to  believe  that  the  Filipino  masses  are  loyal  and 
devoted  to  Aguinaldo  and  the  government  which  he  heads.233 

The  fact  that  Aguinaldo  was  dictator  did  not  necessarily 
mean  that  he  imposed  his  authority  upon  an  unwilling  people. 
A  dictatorship  happens  in  every  revolution.  What  he  might 
have  done  had  his  Philippine  Republic  been  recognized  is  an- 
other question,  but  in  one  instance  Aguinaldo  said  that  as  soon 

233  Congressional  Record,  56th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4288  (April  17, 
1900). 


HERITAGE  OF  THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE 


139 


as  peace  was  established  he  would  resign  the  temporarily  as- 
sumed authority. 


Speculation  in  America  as  to  the  proper  disposition  of  the 
Philippines  began  even  before  the  United  States  army  had  left 
the  port  of  San  Francisco.  One  day  in  June,  Aguinaldo  came 
across  the  Singapore  Times  for  May  5th  in  which  was  an  article 
intimating  that  the  United  States  would  retain  the  Islands  until 
the  war  was  over,  and  then  if  Spain  failed  to  pay  the  indemnity, 
would  sell  them  to  Great  Britain.  Aguinaldo  communicated  at 
once  with  the  President  of  the  United  States  through  his  friend, 
Mr.  Bray  of  Singapore.  It  appears,  however,  that  something 
mysterious  happened  to  the  correspondence,  for  in  forwarding 
it  Mr.  Bray  noted  that  an  enclosed  telegram  and  "other  docu- 
ments" had  "been  extracted  from  the  cover  during  transit." 
Whatever  those  "other  documents"  might  be  which  Mr.  Bray 
never  found,  Aguinaldo 's  letter  was  a  strong  protest  against  the 
proposed  disposal  of  the  Philippines.234 

On  the  other  hand  the  London  Spectator  urged  that  the 
United  States  retain  the  Islands  in  order  to  maintain  the  "bal- 
ance of  power"  in  the  Far  East.  England  had  already  too 
much  and  Germany  must  not  be  encouraged  in  her  designs  upon 
China.  Russia  must  be  kept  away  from  Australia,  and  Russia 
and  France  must  be  kept  apart.  It  could  not  be  conceived, 
asserted  the  Spectator,  that  a  pagan  nation  like  Japan  should 
rule  a  Christian  people  like  the  Filipinos.  As  to  the  main- 
tenance of  peace  and  order,  the  Spectator  would  recommend 
five  thousand  negro  troops  for  the  Philippines. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  proposal  aroused  the  opposition 
of  the  Filipino  people  especially  because  of  the  suggestion  that 
negro  troops  should  be  stationed  to  keep  peace  and  order.  Had 
this  recommendation  been  acted  upon,  the  American  occupation 
of  the  Philippines  would  have  been  more  than  sensational. 

Mr.  Bray  saw  the  article,  and  in  reply  urged  neither  the  sale 

234  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  pp.  359-361. 


240  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

of  the  Islands  nor  their  occupation  by  the  United  States,  but  an 
independent  Philippines  under  American  protectorate.235 

Now  let  us  examine  the  opinion  of  an  American  authority, 
Consul  Williams  of  Manila.  Two  days  after  the  United  States 
army  had  landed  at  Cavite  Consul  Williams  forwarded  a  special 
correspondence  to  Secretary  Day,  urging  American  emigration 
to  the  Philippines.  Mr.  Williams  urged  an  influx  of  10,000 
ambitious  Americans  representing  all  trades  and  occupations 
that  year  for  all  "can  live  well,  become  enriched,  and  patriot- 
ically assist  your  representatives  in  the  establishment  and  main- 
tenance of  republican  government."236 

The  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  on  December  10,  1898, 
closed  the  Spanish-American  War.  The  Filipinos  lost  the 
cause  which  they  thought  they  would  surely  gain  by  the  fra- 
ternal aid  of  the  United  States.  They  were  destined  to  undergo 
another  period  of  tutelage  and  make  their  way  to  independent 
statehood  through  industry  and  peaceful  progress.  The  dark 
era  ended  and  the  epoch  of  free  ideas  and  liberalism  began. 

RIZAL 'S  LEGACY 

A  consideration  of  the  Filipinos'  struggle  for  freedom  under 
the  oppressive  yoke  of  Spain  would  be  incomplete  without  refer- 
ence to  the  unselfish  labors  of  the  most  revered  Filipino  hero  — 
Dr.  Jose  Kizal. 

Under  an  arbitrary  government  wherein  the  freedom  of 
speech  was  totally  repressed,  to  criticize  the  government  brought 
the  doom  of  a  critic.  Rizal  was  one  of  those  few  Filipinos  of 
his  time  who  desired  to  see  a  better  governed  Philippines. 
Having  been  educated  in  Europe  and  had  the  privilege  of 
travel  all  over  the  world,  Rizal  saw  the  backwardness  of  his 
country.  His  wish  was  to  raise  the  Filipino  people  to  a  higher 
plane  through  progressive  and  timely  action  of  the  Spanish 
government.     He  was  the  severest  critic  the  Philippines  have 

235  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  pp.  348-350. 

236  Senate  Documents,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Vol.  VIII,  Document 
No.  62,  Pt.  2,  p.  331. 


AMERICAN  OTANDARD   IN  TIIE  nilLirriWEa.  ^41 

ever  produced,  but  his  criticism  was  honest  and  well  meant. 
As  he  said,  criticism  is  to  a  government  what  a  symptom  of  a 
disease  is  to  an  individual.  It  is  a  fair  warning  which  calls  for 
immediate  action.  This  was  Rizal's  attitude  toward  the  Spanish 
government  and  because  he  spoke  thus  he  was  executed  in  spite 
of  unspoken  public  opposition.  This  is  the  core  of  Rizal's 
heroism. 

Rizal's  labors  were  directed  toward  the  independence  of  the 
Philippines.  This  was  the  ultimate  object  of  the  Liga  Filipina 
which  he  organized;  but  he  said,  "I  place  as  prior  condition 
the  education  of  the  people".  This  was  his  theory  and  when  he 
wrote  he  had  this  idea  dominant  in  mind.  In  Noli  Me  Tangere 
Rizal  said  that  he  was  speaking  not  to  the  people  of  his  time 
but  to  the  coming  generation.  When  the  Philippines  were 
seething  with  revolution,  Rizal  was  charged  with  being  the 
instigator.  Replying  to  this  he  wrote  to  his  "Countrymen" 
saying: 

I  have  given  proofs  that  I  am  one  of  the  most  anxious  for  the  liberties 
of  our  country,  and  I  am  still  desirous  of  them.  But  I  place  as  a  prior 
condition  the  education  of  the  people,  that  by  means  of  instruction  and 
industry  our  country  may  have  an  individuality  of  its  own  and  make  itself 
worthy  of  these  liberties.  I  have  recommended  in  my  writings  the  study  of 
civic  virtues,  without  which  there  is  no  redemption.237 

A  propaganda  which  has  for  its  slogan  the  progress  and 
development  of  a  people  through  peaceful  means  should  entail 
no  dangerous  results.  In  spite  of  this  the  Spanish  government 
decreed  that  Rizal  was  a  filibuster  and  must  be  executed.  The 
Filipinos  to-day  are  blessed  with  the  bill  of  rights  which  guar- 
antees their  personal  liberties :  that  no  person  shall  be  deprived 
of  life  or  liberty  without  due  process  of  law;  that  in  all  cases 
the  accused  must  be  accorded  speedy  and  public  trial;  that  he 
be  informed  of  the  accusation  made  against  him  and  have  a 
compulsory  process  of  obtaining  counsel  in  his  favor.  Not  one 
of  these  was  granted  to  Rizal.  The  fundamental  principle  that 
the  accused  is  presumed  innocent  until  proved  guilty  was  not 
even  recognized,  for  before  the  victim  had  arrived  the  sentence 
was  practically  decided.    The  court  room  was  full  of  his  enemies 

237  See  Craig's  The  Life  and  Lineage  of  Jose  Bisal. 


2^2  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

clamoring  for  his  execution.  So,  on  December  30,  1896,  Jose 
Rizal  stood  before  a  firing  squad  and  received  the  fatal  bullet 
which  took  away  the  life  of  one  of  the  most  unselfish  of  men. 
Because  of  its  gross  injustice,  the  Filipino  people  were  driven 
to  desperation.  Instead  of  inculcating  fear  as  the  Spaniards 
expected  the  execution  made  the  Filipinos  all  the  more  united  in 
their  hatred  and  bitterness  against  the  wrongs  committed  before 
their  very  eyes. 

Thus  fell  the  most  consecrated  hero  of  the  Filipino  people. 
The  man  is  no  more  but  his  spirit  lives  in  every  Filipino  heart, 
nay,  it  is  the  North  Star  which  guides  to  the  future  Philippine 
Republic.  Ever  since  his  days  the  growth  of  free  and  liberal 
ideas  has  been  the  dominant  feature  in  the  history  of  the  Philip- 
pines. Rizal  accomplished  the  one  supreme  need  of  the  Filipino 
people.  Among  his  disunited  countrymen  he  produced  a  com- 
mon patriotism  and  a  spirit  of  nationality  which  have  made  the 
Filipinos  determined  to  set  their  foot  on  the  right  road  to 
progress  and  development.  His  prize  poem,  "To  the  Philippine 
Youth",238  had  "Growth"  for  a  theme.  This  theory  has  found 
a  responsive  chord  in  the  younger  generation  of  to-day.  Prog- 
ress through  education  is  the  slogan  of  the  Filipino  youth  and 

ass  TO  THE  PHILIPPINE  YOUTH 

Theme :    Growth 
(Translated  by  Charles  Derbyshire) 

Hold  high  thy  brow  serene, 
O  youth,  where  now  you  stand; 
Let  the  bright  sheen 
Of  your  grace  be  seen, 
Pair  hope  of  my  fatherland. 

Come  now,  thou  genius  grand, 

And  bring  down  inspiration; 

With  thy  mighty  hand 

Swifter  than  the  wind's  volation, 

Eaise  the  eager  mind  to  higher  station. 

Come  down  with  pleasing  light 
Of  art  and  science  to  the  fight, 
O  youth,  and  there  untie 
The  chains  that  heavy  lie 
Your  spirit  free  to  blight. 


HERITAGE    OF   THE    FILIPINO    PEOPLE  J43 

to  that  extent  they  support  Rizal's  ideal  with  vigor  and  loyalty. 
Rizal  taught  the  youths  that  self-respect  and  self-control  were 
prerequisites  to  a  freer  and  more  wisely  governed  country. 
Every  day  brightens  the  hope  of  the  Filipino  people.  The 
Filipinos  look  forward  to  the  day  when  their  Philippines  shall 
be  to  the  Orient  as  England  is  to  Europe  or  the  United  States  to 
the  Americas;  and  judging  from  the  trend  of  the  Philippine 
civilization  to-day  all  evidences  are  in  their  favor.  Occidental 
liberalism  and  institutions  are  being  inculcated  in  the  Philip- 
pines. These  are  bound  to  be  the  future  ideals  of  the  Oriental 
Republic.  Especially  is  the  situation  very  encouraging  when 
to-day  free  education  is  the  national  pride  of  the  Filipino  peo- 
ple.    The   Filipinos  are  aware  that  they  will  gain  much  by 

See  how  in  flaming  zone 
Amid  the  shadows  thrown, 
The  Spaniards'  holy  land 
A  crown's  resplendent  hand 
Proffers  to  this  Indian  land. 

Thou  who  now  wouldst  rise 
On  wings  of  rich  emprise, 
Seeking  from  Olympian  skies 
Songs  of  sweetest  strain, 
Softer  than  ambrosial  rain; 

Thou  whose  voice  divine 
Rivals  Philomel's  refrain, 
And  with  varied  line 
Through  the  night  benign 
Frees  mortality  from  pain; 

Thou  who  by  sharp  strife 

Wakest  the  mind  to  life; 

And  the  memory  bright 

Of  thy  genius'  light 

Makest  immortal  in  its  strength 

And  thou  in  accents  clear 

Of  Phoebus,  to  Appelles  dear; 

Or  by  the  brushes'  magic  art 

Takest  from  nature's  store  a  part, 

To  fix  it  on  the  simple  canvas  length; 


144 


SELF-GOVEKNMENT    IN    THE    PHILIPPINES 


learning,  for  instance,  the  most  universal  language  —  the  Eng- 
lish language. 

On  August  13,  1898,  the  Spanish  flag  was  lowered  in  the 
Philippines  to  be  suppplanted  by  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  the  em- 
blem of  liberalism.  The  Filipino  people,  not  unmindful  of 
Rizal's  statement  that  "those  of  you  who  live  to  see  the  dawn 
of  the  new  day  should  not  be  forgetful  of  those  who  fell  during 
the  night",  dedicated  the  first  number  of  the  Filipino  papers 
issued  under  the  American  flag  to  Rizal.  December  30th  is  a 
legal  holiday  in  the  Philippines  when  the  Filipino  people  pay 
tribute  to  the  man  who  died  that  they  might  live. 

The  lessons  which  they  learned  by  experience  are  the  national 
heritage  of  the  Filipino  people.  The  regime  of  Spain  has  made 
them  resentful  and  bitter  against  any  wrong  and  injustice  com- 
mitted by  a  government.  The  Filipinos  have  sacrificed  too 
many  precious  lives  to  give  up  their  ideal.  In  less  than  twenty 
years  they  have  made  strides  which  surprised  the  whole  world. 
Their  ambition  fires  them  and  they  are  forging  ahead  under 
the  government  of  liberal  ideas. 

Go  forth  and  then  the  sacred  fire 

Of  thy  genius  to  the  laurel  may  aspire; 

To  spread  around  the  fame, 

And  in  victory  acclaim, 

Through  wider  spheres  the  human  name. 

Day,  O  happy  day, 

Fair  Filipinas  for  thy  land! 

So  bless  the  power  to-day 

That  places  in  thy  way 

This  favor  and  this  fortune  grand. 


VII 
THE  AMERICAN  STANDARD  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

Retracing  the  successive  steps  which  the  Filipinos  have  taken 
during  the  last  twenty-three  years  shows  how  they  have  devel- 
oped. The  American  policy  in  the  Philippines  is  a  challenge  to 
the  world,  proving  that  a  deviation  from  the  seemingly  estab- 
lished path  of  colonial  administration  is  not  necessarily  detri- 
mental to  the  interests  of  the  conquered  and  much  less  to  the 
purposes  of  the  sovereign. 

The  American  rule  in  the  Philippines  shows  three  salient 
features  which  are  worthy  of  notice:  first,  that  under  proper 
methods  and  standards  two  races  entirely  different  from  each 
other  can  enter  into  a  partnership  and  work  together  as  if  one ; 
second,  the  Philippine  administration  is  a  reflection  of  the  spirit 
of  America  —  America  in  its  ambitious  youth  and  utmost  na- 
tional pride ;  third,  that  the  Philippine  policy  has  been  a  success 
because  of  the  willing  cooperation  of  the  Filipino  people. 

The  Americans  and  the  Filipinos  are  two  distinct  races  which 
were  foreign  to  each  other  until  the  Spanish-American  War 
which  brought  the  two  peoples  face  to  face.  With  the  exception 
perhaps  of  the  Catholic  religion,  their  civilization  has  nothing 
in  common.  They  live  under  opposite  climatic  conditions;  and 
have  different  temperaments,  with  ideas  and  traditions  most  dis- 
similar. Yet  their  partnership  has  worked  with  the  least  pos- 
sible friction.  This  aspect  alone  should  command  the  admiration 
of  the  world  in  general,  and  of  that  class  of  people  in  particular 
which  has  made  charges  that  the  administration  of  the  Philip- 
pine affairs  is  a  total  failure.  It  is  not  quite  possible  to  state 
the  reason  for  this  harmony  which  stands  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  colonization.  This  much  may  be  said  that  those  who 
have  been  in  contact  with  Filipinos  in  experiences  where  their 
opportunities  are  equally  recognized  will  agree  with  the  writer 

145 
10 


246  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

that  of  all  Orientals  the  Filipinos  are  most  assimilable  and 
come  nearest  to  the  Americans.  Aside  from  the  American 
sympathy  for  his  "brown  brother",  they  soon  find  a  common 
ground.  It  is  true  the  Filipinos  are  Catholic  as  are  many 
Americans  but  where  the  church  and  state  are  divorced  the 
church  exerts  little  influence  and  may  become  negligible.  Some 
have  attributed  the  extraordinary  harmony  of  the  two  peoples 
to  the  fact  that  the  Filipino  people  are  to  a  degree  civilized  in 
European  mediaevalism  which  places  them  at  an  advantage  over 
the  rest  of  the  Oriental  peoples.  This  argument  may  have  some 
bearing  on  the  controversy  but  what  about  England  in  India  or 
in  Egypt?  England  has  been  in  these  countries  for  many  dec- 
ades, yet  these  people  find  little  reason  for  appreciating  the 
British  policy.  It  may  be  that  the  Filipinos  are  a  peculiar 
people  to  adapt  themselves  to  new  conditions,  as  it  has  been 
supposed,  but  the  writer  is  inclined  to  believe  that  any  people 
can  adapt  itself  to  a  new  situation  especially  if  it  is  superior  to 
theirs  if  they  are  given  the  opportunity.  It  all  depends  upon 
how  much  is  conceded  and  if  England,  for  instance,  had  tried 
to  Anglicize  her  colonies  as  the  United  States  did  her  territories 
they  would  perhaps  have  established  a  sympathetic  relationship 
which  would  grow  closer  as  time  rolled  by.  The  cooperation  has 
been  possible  because  America  is  human.  She  carried  out  her 
policy  but  was  not  unmindful  of  the  aspirations  and  desires  of 
the  Filipino  people.  For  this  reason  America  deserves  the 
everlasting  gratitude  of  the  Filipinos,  of  the  Porto  Ricans,  and 
of  the  Cubans.  As  someone  has  said  America  has  conquered 
with  ideas  where  others  have  failed  with  swords. 

Perhaps  there  is  no  other  people  in  the  world  who  are  so 
proud  of  their  ideals,  institutions,  and  government  as  the  Amer- 
ican people.  There  are  more  in  America  than  anywhere  else 
who  are  willing  to  lay  down  their  lives  for  the  defense  of  their 
tradition.  Proud  of  their  ideals  the  Americans  bravely  pushed 
the  western  frontier  to  the  ocean,  and  expanded  the  vast  country 
as  far  north  and  south  as  it  could  be  made  to  go.  This  is  the 
spirit  which  dared  to  girdle  the  vast  area  of  America  with  steel, 
piercing  the  rocky  obstructions  and  reaching  from  one  side  of 


AMERICAN  STANDARD   IN   THE  PHILIPPINES  ^47 

the  valley  to  the  other.  This  is  the  strong  and  bold  spirit  which 
raised  the  channels  of  traffic  overhead;  it  is  the  spirit  which 
bored  subways,  and  built  over  them  massive  structures  which 
defy  the  skies.  The  ambition  of  young  America  is  made  mani- 
fest in  a  multitude  of  ways. 

With  respect  to  her  colonies  it  is  significant  that  America 
Americanizes  wherever  she  goes.  She  has  Americanized  the 
Hawaiian  Islands;  she  carried  the  same  spirit  to  the  Porto 
Ricans,  and  in  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  she  established 
an  Oriental  America  in  the  Philippines.  America  is  the  only 
country  which  offers  her  social  system  to  the  territories  and 
teaches  her  traditions  to  all  those  with  which  she  comes  in  con- 
tact and  in  this  peaceful  way  extends  an  invitation  to  join  in 
fraternal  fellowship  and  mutual  understanding.  This  has  been 
realized  abroad;  it  is  emphasized  at  home  among  the  millions 
who  hail  from  all  quarters  of  the  globe.  They  are  taught  the 
traditions  of  America  so  that  they,  too,  may  enjoy  the  blessings 
of  liberty  which  make  for  progress  and  self-development.  The 
public  schools  of  America  are  the  backbone  of  American  loyalty 
and  patriotism,  molding  the  lives  of  millions  to  the  standard  of 
American  citizenship.  The  public  schools  work  .upon  the  young ; 
the  Americanization  movement  works  upon  the  old.  Such  a 
spirit  should  command  the  unqualified  support  of  patriotic 
Americans  who  wish  to  see  the  pride  and  tradition  of  America 
maintained  against  the  oncoming  millions.  America  is  the  only 
country  which  allows  political  rebirth;  the  other  countries  of 
the  world  depend  upon  the  multiplication  of  their  subjects. 
Education  as  the  basis  of  representative  government  is  being 
emphasized  in  the  Philippines.  In  her  external  obligations  and 
policies  America  alone  reveals  the  humane  motive.  The  several 
wars  America  has  entered  have  been  actuated  by  humane  mo- 
tives. "In  the  name  of  humanity  and  on  behalf  of  civilization 
the  war  in  Cuba  must  stop"  is  an  oft  repeated  saying  in  the 
Philippines.  The  interventions  in  Mexico  were  all  caused  by 
inhuman  cruelties.  The  United  States  entered  the  World  War 
to  make  "the  world  safe  for  democracy". 

The  spirit  of  America  has  been  made  manifest  in  the  Philip- 


148  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

pines  in  several  ways.  Three  may  be  noticed:  first,  in  the 
material  development  of  the  country;  second,  in  the  educational 
system ;  third,  in  the  popular  participation  in  government. 

Those  who  have  watched  the  progress  of  the  Philippines  along 
material  lines  must  have  realized  the  enormous  changes  which 
have  occurred  during  the  last  decade.  To  be  sure,  the  resources 
of  the  Philippines  have  not  been  developed  as  much  as  could  be 
desired  but  never  before  did  the  Filipino  people  see  a  more 
progressive  era.  The  spirit  of  American  progress  is  apparent 
in  many  ways  —  in  the  improved  means  of  communication  in- 
cluding railroads,  paved  roads,  telephone  and  telegraph  lines; 
in  public  works  of  all  kinds;  in  modern  means  of  sanitation; 
and  especially  in  the  popularity  of  goods  and  articles  "Made  in 
America".  This  phase  is  so  apparent  to  the  casual  observer 
that  it  would  not  be  overstressing  it  to  say  that  as  the  United 
States  of  to-day  is  not  the  same  United  States  as  in  1898,  so  the 
Philippines  of  to-day  are  not  the  same  Philippines  as  before  the 
Spanish-American  War.  In  that  year  the  United  States  laid 
aside  its  policy  of  isolation :  in  that  year  the  Philippine  Islands 
opened  their  doors  to  the  western  civilization.  It  can  not  be 
disputed  that  the  Americans  have  offered  to  the  Filipinos  better 
opportunities  than  they  have  ever  known.  The  multitude  of 
public  and  permanent  improvements  which  the  American  genius 
has  achieved  in  the  Philippines  will  remain  as  a  source  of  in- 
spiration to  the  Filipino  youth. 

In  the  second  place  America  Americanized  the  Filipinos 
through  the  public  schools.  The  Filipinos  have  learned  that 
education  alone  enlightens  people.  Little  do  the  American  peo- 
ple perhaps  realize  that  through  the  Philippine  public  schools 
the  Filipinos  learn  the  institutions,  customs,  and  traditions  of 
America.  Through  this  peaceful  means  the  Filipinos  learn  of 
the  "land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave".  They  study 
the  struggles  of  the  Americans  against  British  oppression,  read 
of  American  aspirations  for  independent  statehood,  and  of  the 
marvellous  progress  which  the  Americans  have  achieved  during 
the  last  centur^  which  has  placed  them  as  one  of  the  sovereigns 
of  the  world,  i "Whatever  you  want  done  by  the  State  put  it  in 


AMERICAN  STANDARD  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  }49 

schools"  was  a  principle  announced  by  a  German  statesman. 
America  conquered  through  schools  and  the  Filipinos  are  real- 
izing that  but  for  the  schools  democracy  would  be  a  failure  in 
the  Philippines.  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  Filipinos  have 
been  most  responsive  and  appreciative  so  that  they,  too,  are  all 
the  more  inspired  to  become  a  strong  nation  in  the  Far  East. 

Textbooks  written  by  American  authors  and  American  liter- 
ature have  made  for  the  rapid  Americanization  of  the  Filipino 
people.  Because  of  the  public  schools  seventy  per  cent  of  the 
Philippine  population  above  ten  years  of  age  have  been  saved 
from  illiteracy.  In  two  decades  the  English  language  has  over- 
shadowed the  Spanish,  reducing  the  old  language  to  a  place  of 
insignificant  importance  as  an  instrument  of  communication. 
The  knowledge  of  the  English  language  is  a  national  asset  of 
universal  significance  to  the  Filipino  people.  Its  mastery  will 
qualify  them  not  only  for  the  world  of  commerce  but  also  for  a 
membership  in  the  family  of  nations. 

Thirdly,  the  Americans  have  extended  to  the  Filipino  people 
what  they  fought  for  in  1896.  They  have  individual  liberty 
with  its  inherent  privilege  of  participation  in  the  government. 
A  government  created  by  the  people  and  maintained  by  the 
people  is  least  felt  but  not  least  effective.  For  this  reason  it 
coincides  with  human  character.  It  is  an  established  opinion 
that  the  liberal  spirit  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  explains 
the  success  of  the  American  regime  in  the  Philippines.  The 
Filipino  people  gratefully  acknowledge  the  concession  which 
they  never  saw  before. 

The  manner  in  which  the  Filipinos  were  given  the  privilege  of 
shaping  their  own  government  has  been  intensive  as  well  as 
extensive.  Even  in  the  first  days  of  military  rule  local  govern- 
ments were  organized  on  principles  of  popular  government. 
Nine  years  after  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  the  Philip- 
pine Assembly  was  inaugurated,  composed  of  Filipinos  and  elect- 
ed by  Filipinos ;  and  nine  years  later  the  Philippine  Legislature 
became  popularly  elected.  Add  to  this  the  gradual  promotion 
of  Filipinos  to  appointive  positions,  a  process  popularly  known 
as  the  Filipinization  of  the  insular  service,  and  it  is  not  too  much 


/ 


250  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

to  say  that  in  eighteen  short  years  the  government  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  changed  from  one  of  Americans  with  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  Filipinos  to  one  of  Filipinos  with  the  aid  of 
Americans. 

To  an  impartial  observer  the  magnitude  and  significance  of 
such  a  policy  is  far  reaching.  The  mere  idea  that  every  indi- 
vidual is  an  indispensable  part  of  the  great  commonwealth,  the 
sum  total  of  whose  support  makes  for  the  maintenance  of  society, 
is  an  enviable  blessing  to  be  cherished  by  every  man.  This  is 
one  of  the  outstanding  attractions  of  the  United  States  to  the 
peoples  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean.  Arbitrary  rule  can  be 
endured  for  some  time,  but  never  all  the  time.  The  Israelites 
endured  making  bricks  without  straw  for  four  hundred  years; 
the  Filipinos  endured  arbitrary  taxation  for  three  hundred  and 
thirty  years.  Time  has  brought  the  verdict.  Kingdoms  and 
empires  are  disappearing  one  after  another.  They  were  a  neces- 
sary stage  in  the  human  development,  but  their  terms  have 
expired  and  there  is  now  evolving  a  form  of  law  and  justice 
which  comes  closest  to  human  conscience  and  sentiment.  Like 
a  home  the  best  government  is  where  discipline  is  least  felt. 

The  policy  of  England  in  her  colonies  and  that  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Philippines  show  very  decided  contrasts.  In  the 
first  place,  England  never  intended  to  Anglicize  her  many  colo- 
nies. It  seems  that  the  scores  of  years  in  Egypt,  the  century  in 
the  Malay  States  and  the  three  hundred  years  in  India  have 
failed  to  impart  the  English  language  to  over  one  per  cent  of 
the  population.  These  countries  have  refused  the  social  systems 
of  Great  Britain.  Obviously,  the  main  object  of  the  British 
government  is  to  develop  the  material  resources  of  her  colonies 
and  stimulate  commerce  to  the  highest  degree.  At  the  same 
time  it  is  hoped  that  the  inhabitants  will  be  more  contented  as 
they  become  more  productive /and  progressive.  In  this  respect, 
the  United  States  has  yet  to  learn  from  England.  The  develop- 
ment of  the  Philippine  resources  has  been  retarded  for  two 
reasons :  first,  because  of  the  constant  agitation  for  independence 
and  the  failure  of  the  United  States  to  define  its  policy  until 
1916.     This  fact  kept  conditions  rather  unstable.     The  second 


AMERICAN  STANDARD   IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  ^5^ 

reason  is  because  of  certain  class  interests  which  controlled  the 
majority  in  Congress  for  a  decade. 

The  question  may  be  raised  as  to  whether  a  European  govern- 
ment may  thrive  in  Asia.  To  be  sure,  there  are  obstructions  in 
the  way;  for  instance  there  are  dynasties  to  be  broken  down, 
besides  numerous  castes  which  tend  to  oppose  liberal  govern- 
ment. But  in  return  it  may  be  said  that  the  Filipinos  never 
saw  a  republican  form  of  government  before  and  yet  they  have 
carried  it  out  successfully.  The  American  policy  in  the  Philip- 
pines will  weaken  the  prestige  of  England  in  her  colonies  by 
inspiring  the  colonial  inhabitants  to  desire  the  same  era  of  lib- 
eral ideas  and  progress  as  the  Filipinos  now  enjoy. 

The  third  feature  of  the  American  administration  in  the 
Philippines  which  must  be  observed,  is  that  the  administration 
has  been  made  possible  because  of  the  willing  cooperation  of  the 
Filipino  people.  This  is  recognized  by  the  officials  who  have  to 
do  with  the  Philippine  affairs  and  stands  as  an  indisputable  fact. 
No  policy  can  be  put  into  execution  upon  an  unwilling  people. 
The  Filipinos  are  ambitious  and  because  they  are,  they  have 
given  every  assistance  to  the  American  authorities  in  order  to 
hasten  the  realization  of  their  ambition. 

Within  the  last  eight  years  occasional  charges  have  been  made 
to  the  effect  that  the  Philippines  have  been  hopelessly  neglected. 
These  charges  are  either  the  after  effects  of  the  changes  which 
followed  the  Democratic  victory  in  1912  or  are  an  evidence  of 
party  loyalty,  if  not  party  prejudice.  Indeed  the  extension  of 
self-government  has  been  hastened  during  the  last  eight  years 
to  the  dismay  of  the  conservative  factions  in  the  United  States. 
The  passage  of  the  Jones  Law  in  1916  was  considered  a  radical 
step  which  almost  overshadowed  the  Republican  policy  in  the 
Philippines  for  sixteen  years.  From  1898  to  1916  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Philippine  affairs  had  been  provisional  with  no 
definite  policy  embodied  in  law.  The  Filipinos  took  things  for 
granted  on  the  basis  of  official  diplomacy  on  the  part  of  Amer- 
ican officials  in  the  Islands.  The  Jones  Law  provided  among 
other  things  for  the  Filipinization  of  the  Philippine  service.  It 
gave  the  Filipino  people  the  elective  Senate  with  all  the  ordi- 


252  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

nary  prerogatives  of  that  body,  especially  the  power  to  approve 
the  appointments  made  by  the  Governor  General.  The  Philip- 
pine Legislature,  was  given  the  broadest  powers,  including  the 
power  to  reorganize  the  executive  departments  which  are  now 
under  the  Filipinos  themselves.  Lastly,  the  law  promised  the 
recognition  of  Philippine  independence  as  soon  as  a  stable  gov- 
ernment shall  be  established  therein. 

These  provisions  shocked  the  more  or  less  conservative  fac- 
tions in  the  United  States  who  believed  that  the  work  of  the 
first  sixteen  years  was  shattered.  The  Filipinos  know  that  such 
provisions  were  not  forthcoming  for  a  decade  under  the  Repub- 
lican rule.  The  question  may  be  asked  whether  such  concessions 
under  the  Democratic  Party  were  not  a  little  too  rapid  for  the 
safety  and  interests  of  the  Filipino  people.  This  remains  to  be 
seen,  but  so  far  there  has  not  been  any  evidence  to  that  effect. 

The  Republican  victory  in  the  last  general  election  raises  two 
questions  in  regard  to  the  administration  and  policy  in  the 
Philippines  within  the  next  four  years.  It  has  been  noted  that 
throughout  the  Democratic  administration  in  the  Philippines 
the  Republicans  pitilessly  condemned  the  policy  of  Filipinizing 
the  civil  service.  Will  the  next  Republican  Governor  General 
restore  the  old  order  of  American  superiors  and  Filipino  sub- 
ordinates in  the  offices  or  is  he  going  to  continue  the  liberalism 
of  the  outgoing  party  in  this  respect?  This  is  a  very  serious 
aspect-  of  the  Philippine  administration  for  the  change  can  not 
be  effected  without  the  strong  opposition  of  the  majority  of  the 
Filipino  people.  The  policy  of  Filipinizing  the  Philippine  ser- 
vice is  officially  provided  for  in  the  Jones  Law  but  its  execution 
rests  with  the  Governor  General.  From  this  standpoint  the 
problem  of  making  the  change  according  to  the  Republican 
theory  of  administration  hinges  on  the  chief  executive.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  whatever  changes  may  be  made  or  proposed,  will 
be  effected  in  the  most  amicable  way  and  to  the  interests  of  the 
Filipino  people  as  it  should  always  be.  After  the  liberalism  of 
the  Democratic  administration  the  Republican  Party  will  find 
the  restoration  of  old  methods  in  the  Philippines  a  difficult  task. 

The  other  aspect  of  the  Democratic  regime  which  has  always 


AMERICAN  STANDARD   IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  J53 

been  considered  an  unnecessary  mistake  by  party  opponents  is 
the  power  of  the  Philippine  Senate  to  approve  the  appointments 
made  by  the  Governor  General.  This  raises  the  second  question 
—  will  the  Republicans  strike  this  provision  out  of  the  Jones 
Law?  If  the  new  administration  decides  to  return  to  the  old 
order  of  appointing  Americans  to  the  executive  departments  this 
action  will  meet  with  the  determined  opposition  of  the  Senate. 
Of  these  two  aspects  of  the  problem,  this  much  may  be  said: 
the  Filipinos  are  determined  to  remain  where  they  now  are  and 
any  attempt  to  change  their  position  which  has  the  effect  of 
throwing  them  back  will  create  friction.  They  have  gone  too  far 
to  turn  and  retrace  their  steps.  The  continuity  of  the  peace 
and  progress  of  the  Philippines  will  depend  upon  the  diplomatic 
tact  of  the  next  Republican  Governor  General  of  the  Philippines. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  foreign  capital  will  be  more  encour- 
aged to  flow  into  the  Philippines  under  the  Republican  rule 
than  under  the  Democratic  regime.  Within  the  last  three  years 
capital  entered  the  Islands  in  the  most  unprecedented  way,  but 
it  is  supposed  that  it  was  because  independence  was  not  forth- 
coming as  it  seemed  in  1915,  and  since  the  Republicans  were 
bound  to  return  and  under  their  administration  independence  is 
much  less  likely  to  be  realized,  capital  felt  safe  to  enter  the 
Islands.  If  this  opinion  proves  true,  and  it  seems  to  be  in  ac- 
cordance with  American  inclination,  then  the  Philippines  will 
see  the  banner  period  of  economic  development  under  the  Re- 
publican Party.  This  much  is  encouraging  and  the  Filipinos 
will  be  most  benefited. 

The  triumph  of  the  Republican  Party  will  defer  the  prospect 
for  independence  for  at  least  four  years.  While  it  will  stimulate 
the  well  directed  efforts  of  propaganda,  the  Filipino  people  can 
not  but  feel  that  they  are  like  a  football  which  is  kicked  from 
one  end  of  the  field  to  the  other  and  arrives  nowhere.  It  seems 
that  the  national  progress  of  the  Filipinos  will  have  to  be  the 
mean  or  the  resultant  mean  of  the  two  mighty  Republican  and 
Democratic  forces  which  pull  in  opposite  directions.  This  is  the 
attendant  experience  of  a  dependency.     It  is  at  the  mercy  of 


154  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

party  prejudices.    A  structure  which  one  party  builds  rises  only 
to  be  crushed  down  by  the  other. 

THE  AMERICAN  ATTITUDE  TOWARD  INDEPENDENCE 

It  is  not  within  the  compass  of  this  monograph  to  discuss  the 
readiness  or  the  unreadiness  of  the  Filipinos  for  independence, 
the  burning  subject  which,  in  spite  of  its  nobleness  of  purpose, 
has  been  much  mutilated  by  political  prejudice.  However,  it 
seems  fitting  to  make  at  least  an  estimate  of  how  the  problem 
stands  in  the  mind  of  the  average  American  citizen  in  the 
United  States.  Therefore  an  impartial  presentation  of  the  gen- 
eral attitude  of  the  Americans  toward  the  subject  of  Philippine 
independence  seems  desirable  at  this  point. 

It  is  now  provided  by  law  that  the  United  States  will  some- 
time in  the  future  withdraw  from  the  Philippine  Islands  and 
recognize  their  political  independence.  This  promise  to  the 
Filipinos  is  to  be  fulfilled  as  soon  as  a  stable  government  can  be 
established  therein.  On  the  theory  that  a  law  is  a  solemn  ex- 
pression of  public  opinion,  the  Jones  Law  of  August  29,  1916, 
embodies  this  purpose  of  the  Americans. 

The  political  history  of  the  Central  and  South  American 
Republics,  not  excluding  Mexico  and  the  Philippines,  led  the 
world  to  question  whether  the  Latin  races  have  the  genius  for 
political  independence.  The  rise  of  arbitrary  dictatorship  in 
Central  and  South  America  and  in  Mexico  has  created  an 
opinion  in  the  United  States  which  only  time  and  good  works 
can  eradicate.  The  sister  republics  in  the  south  seem  to  have 
regained  their  reputation ;  and  it  remains  for  the  Mexicans  and 
the  Filipinos  to  do  likewise.  To  the  American  people,  Mexico 
and  the  Philippines  are  first  degree  political  cousins  if  not 
brothers  of  the  same  Spanish  parentage  for  they  seem  to  have 
identical  political  temperaments.  Indeed  the  popular  opinion  is 
that  when  independence  is  granted  to  the  Filipinos,  Mexico  will 
be  duplicated  in  the  Far  East.  It  is,  indeed,  unfortunate  that 
such  an  opinion  should  be  entertained  in  the  United  States,  but 
the  history  of  the  Philippine  Revolution  seems  to  have  justified 
the  westerners  in  this  attitude  of  mind.     It  is  chiefly  derived 


AMERICAN  STANDARD   IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  J55 

from  the  story  of  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  the  first  President 
of  the  short-lived  Philippine  Republic,  whose  power  as  a  dic- 
tator developed  in  the  following  manner.239 
>|At  the  meeting  of  the  Katipuneros  in  San  Fernando  de  Mala- 
bon,  on  March  12,  1897,  Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo  then  command- 
ing captain  of  a  battalion  against  Spain  was  elected  President 
of  the  Central  Government  which  would  have  charge  of  the  pro- 
posed revolution  against  Spain.  Andres  Bonifacio,  the  organ- 
izer of  the  society  of  Katipunan,  was  elected  the  Director  of  the 
Department  of  Interior;  but,  offended  because  some  opposed 
his  nomination,  he  left  the  hall  in  disgust,  saying  that  as  the 
organizer  of  the  society  he  refused  to  recognize  the  actions  taken 
at  the  meeting.  He  and  his  two  brothers  betook  themselves  to 
the  mountains.  Aguinaldo  despatched  two  companies  to  arrest 
the  brothers.  In  the  fight  which  ensued  one  of  the  brothers  was 
killed  and  Andres,  himself  wounded,  was  captured  and,  with  his 
remaining  brother,  was  shot  later. 

There  is  yet  to  be  found  an  impartial  critic  and  witness  of 
this  event  who  could  furnish  a  justifiable  reason  for  Aguinaldo 's 
act.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  rise  of  his  personal  ambition 
which  earned  him  the  title  of  insurgent  leader  and  arbitrary 
dictator  to  stain  the  spotless  and  legitimate  aspirations  of  the 
Filipino  people.  Furthermore,  during  the  war  with  the  Amer- 
icans and  at  the  time  military  services  and  intellectual  facul- 
ties were  most  needed,  Aguinaldo  eliminated  General  Luna  in 
the  most  treacherous  manner,  simply  because  Aguinaldo  thought 
his  colleague  was  trying  to  replace  him.  This  incident  destroyed 
the  favorable  impression  of  the  statesmanship  and  valor  of  the 
Filipino  people  formerly  held  by  the  Americans,  compelling 
them  to  believe  that  the  aspiration  for  independence  is  a  class 
agitation  under  the  cloak  of  unselfish  patriotism. 

The  reforms  which  were  demanded  of  Spain  were  unquestion- 
ably the  crystallization  of  the  honorable  aspiration  of  the  Fili- 
pino race  for  a  freer  life.  But  when  personal  ambition,  dis- 
guised in  patriotic  clothes,  dominates,  a  cause  however  praise- 
worthy and  noble  becomes  corrupt,  to  the  contempt  and  disgust 

239  See  Mabini  's  The  Bise  and  Fall  of  the  Philippine  'Revolution. 


256  SELF-GOVEKNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

of  the  world.  Such  is  the  result,  the  unfortunate  result  of  the 
Philippine  Revolution  of  1896  and  of  the  war  with  the  Amer- 
icans in  1899.  The  execution  of  Andres  Bonifacio  shows  Aguin- 
aldo  overwhelmingly  ambitious  for  personal  power.  Upon  this 
very  weakness  the  enemies  of  the  stern  but  loyal  General  Luna 
concentrated  their  selfish  efforts.  By  employing  the  men  whom 
General  Luna  had  punished  for  discipline  Aguinaldo  crushed 
the  morale  of  the  Filipino  force.  Andres  Bonifacio  used  to  say 
that  we  should  fear  history.  The  Philippine  Revolution  failed 
because  it  was  badly  directed.  In  his  reliable  and  trustworthy 
colleague  in  the  person  of  General  Luna,  Aguinaldo  saw  a  rival 
who  tried  to  snatch  his  power  away  from  him.  It  has  not  been 
fully  realized  in  the  Philippines  that  Aguinaldo 's  arbitrary  acts 
during  the  war,  followed  later  in  1907,  by  the  election  of  Dr. 
Gomez  to  the  Philippine  Assembly,  have  led  the  American  peo- 
ple to  question  the  ability  and  the  genius  of  the  Filipinos  for 
popular  government.  This  distrust  retards  the  movement  for 
self-government  and  the  immediate  consequence  is  that  the  ques- 
tion of  independence,  worthy  of  consideration  as  it  is,  has  re- 
ceived only  scant  attention  in  the  United  States;  there  is  a 
strong  suspicion  that  it  is  a  movement  engineered  by  a  few  of 
Aguinaldo 's  type  and  temperament.  For  this  reason  it  has 
failed  to  acquire  the  dignity  of  a  great  popular  agitation.  Add 
to  this  the  apparent  backwardness  and  poverty  of  the  Filipinos 
and  the  sincere  agitation  for  self-government  loses  its  prestige. 
The  Filipinos  have  not  yet  gained  the  confidence  of  the  Amer- 
ican people  —  indeed  their  most  highly  esteemed  statesmen  are 
classed  with  the  famous  Villa  of  Mexico. 

There  are  other  aspects  of  the  independence  movement  which 
should  command  the  earnest  consideration  of  every  citizen  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  First,  the  movement  has  been  hopelessly 
corrupted  in  politics.  Those  who  watch  Philippine  politics  must 
have  realized  how  campaign  speeches  are  enlivened  by  the  ap- 
peal for  independence.  Championed  on  the  stump  and  on  every 
occasion  the  independence  propaganda  has  assumed  the  aspect 
of  partisan  agitation.  The  Filipino  press  supports  the  natural 
aspiration  of  the  people  and  it  has  not  been  slow  to  make  polit- 


AMERICAN  STANDARD   IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 


157 


ical  capital  of  every  issue  which  relates  to  the  problem.  The 
independence  movement  should  be  divorced  from  politics.  By 
its  nature  and  character,  it  is  a  national  aspiration  which  should 
command  the  earnest  consideration  of  every  Filipino  citizen. 

The  second  phase  of  the  movement  which  must  not  be  over- 
looked is  the  fact  that  ever  since  the  American  rule  the  Nacion- 
alista  Party  has  been  the  sponsor  of  the  agitation.  To  that 
extent  it  seems  to  an  impartial  observer  like  a  class  agitation. 

Thirdly,  there  has  not  been  any  systematic  attempt  to  educate 
the  Filipino  people  on  the  issue  of  independence.  According 
to  American  standard  the  great  mass  should  be  educated  on 
all  phases  of  the  issue  and  the  fact  that  the  Legislature  which 
is  elected  by  the  people  endorses  the  movement  does  not  neces- 
sarily indicate  the  desire  of  the  public.  This  is  a  very  essential 
aspect  of  the  issue  which  the  Filipino  leaders  have  overlooked  in 
the  campaign  for  independence.  To  the  American  people  who 
will  pass  their  opinion  on  the  subject  this  need  is  indispensable 
before  any  favorable  consideration  can  be  entertained,  and  until 
a  popular  vote  is  taken  the  American  people  will  continue  to 
nourish  the  idea  that  the  agitation  for  independence  is  a  class 
agitation. 

The  passage  of  the  Jones  Law  promising  independence  as 
soon  as  a  stable  government  shall  be  established  therein  has  been 
a  source  of  encouragement.  It  has  encouraged  and  stimulated  a 
more  organized  propaganda  for  independence  in  America  than 
ever  before.  Worthy  of  note  in  the  propaganda  is  the  fact  that 
the  Filipino  press  has  been  confining  its  argument  for  the  issue 
to  the  legal  aspect  and  insists  that  America  must  fulfill  her 
promise.  In  the  opinion  of  the  Filipino  press  "America  is  On 
Trial"  to  redeem  her  word.  To  the  American  mind,  however, 
the  promise  is  discretionary,  giving  to  Congress  a  wide  discrim- 
ination. It  is  believed  that  the  Filipino  people  must  demon- 
strate the  best  in  every  respect  of  national  existence  in  order  to 
convince  America  that  they  are  prepared  to  be  given  the  duties 
and  the  responsibilities  of  an  independent  nation ;  that  a  perfect 
governmental  machinery  which  operates  without  loud  jarrings 
does  not  necessarily  guarantee  perfect  peace  and  order  in  time 


258  SELF-GOVEBNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

of  crisis.  In  other  words,  the  American  people  believe  that 
political  stability  is  only  a  partial  fulfillment  of  the  required 
condition  for  a  stable  government,  and  the  Filipinos  must  also 
overcome  the  apparent  backwardness  which  is  so  evident  to  the 
observer.  The  Americans  believe  thai  the  Filipinos  have  devel- 
oped politically  in  a  wonderful  manner ;  that  as  far  as  this  phase 
is  concerned  they  are  far  ahead  of  Cuba  when  independence  was 
conceded  to  it.  But  according  to  the  American  standard  they 
must  develop  economically  for  economic  development  and  inde- 
pendence are  the  measure  of  efficient  government  and  a  prosper- 
ous people. 

This  is  the  general  attitude  in  America  toward  the  Filipinos 
with  respect  to  their  aspiration  for  self-government.  Time  and 
facts  only  will  convince  Americans.  In  regard  to  conceding 
independence,  the  Democrats  and  the  Republicans  have  prac- 
tically identical  policies  although  the  former  are  inclined  to 
grant  it  sooner  than  the  latter.  This  is  indicated  by  the  fact1 
that  during  the  Democratic  administration  the  Filipinos  became 
practically  independent  as  has  already  been  shown.  Whatever 
the  aspiration  of  the  Filipinos  may  be,  the  United  States  has  set 
up  a  high  standard  for  them.  As  an  official  once  said,  the  apple 
is  high  and  the  Filipinos  must  climb  for  it  and  not  merely  shake 
it  into  their  hat.  While  President  of  the  United  States,  Mr. 
Taft  said:  "We  should  endeavor  to  secure  for  the  Filipinos 
economic  independence  and  to  fit  them  for  complete  self-govern- 
ment, with  the  power  to  decide  eventually,  according  to  their 
own  largest  good,  whether  such  self-government  shall  be  accom- 
panied by  independence."  In  1913  Governor  General  Harrison 
conveyed  this  message  of  President  Wilson  to  the  Filipino 
people : 

We  regard  ourselves  as  trustees  acting  not  for  the  advantage  of  the 
United  States  but  for  the  benefit  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  Every  step  we 
take  will  be  taken  with  a  view  to  the  ultimate  independence  of  the  Islands 
and  as  preparation  for  that  independence.  And  we  hope  to  move  toward 
that  end  as  rapidly  as  the  safety  and  permanent  interests  of  the  Islands 
will  permit.    After  each  step  taken,  experience  will  guide  us  to  the  next. 

The  Republican  platform  for  1920  made  no  provision  concern- 


AMERICAN    STANDARDS   IN    THE   PHILIPPINES         ^59 

ing  the  Philippines  and  the  Democratic  platform  merely  re- 
stated the  well  established  policy  which  every  person  has  com- 
mitted to  memory  that  Philippine  independence  will  be  granted 
''without  unnecessary  delay".  These  testimonies  tend  to  show 
that  America  is  determined  to  pursue  the  process  of  gradual 
evolution;  that  she  is  reluctant  to  leave  her  task  unfinished. 
The  Republican  Party  has  never  been  disposed  to  grant  the 
Filipinos  their  freedom,  and  coupled  with  this  the  fact  that  in 
the  United  States  the  Philippine  problem  is  like  a  drop  in  the 
bucket,  the  prospect  for  the  realization  of  the  Filipinos'  aspira- 
tion does  no/ appear  bright.  The  term  which  begins  in  March 
has  before  tt  colossal  problems  to  solve  and  unless  the  Filipinos 
win  the  attention  of  the  new  Congress  the  cause  is  bound  to  be 
drowned. 

AMERICA'S  PRD3E  IN  THE  PHDLIPPINES 

Perhaps  it  is  not  fully  realized  in  the  United  States  that  the 
Filipino  people,  notwithstanding  their  constant  agitation  for 
independence  which  has  given  the  impression  of  dissatisfaction, 
are  indebted  to  the  American  people  for  what  is  in  the  Philip- 
pines to-day.  The  Philippines  have  been  so  metamorphosed 
during  the  last  twenty-three  years  that  the  Philippines  of  to-day 
are  no  longer  the  Philippines  of  yesterday.  The  Americans  who 
question  the  administration  in  the  Philippines  should,  instead, 
take  pride  in  the  public  improvements  which  have  been  effected 
during  their  regime.  In  place  of  narrow  roads,  which  at  times 
became  impassable,  there  are  to-day  broad  and  well  kept  high- 
ways which  shorten  the  distance  from  one  town  to  another. 
The  Philippines  take  pride  in  the  seven  thousand  miles  of  the 
best  macadamized  roads  in  the  world.  Modern  bridges  span  the 
rivers  and  dales  where  before  feeble  structures  made  traffic  so 
insecure.  In  the  provincial  capitals  large  concrete  buildings 
have  replaced  the  wooden  ones  to  house  the  ever  increasing 
business  of  the  government.  Added  to  these  are  the  many  mod- 
ern school  houses  which  have  arisen  since  the  American  admin- 
istration and  still  continue  to  rise  one  after  another  to  accommo- 
date the  eager  youths  to  get  an  education.  There  is  every 
reason  for  encouragement.    The  Philippines  are  making  a  place 


260  SELF-GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

in  the  world's  trade.  Steam  has  shortened  the  world's  girdle  to 
Manila  and  has  likewise  made  inter-island  traffic  most  common. 
Isolation  is  no  longer  tolerated  in  the  Philippines.  Port  works 
have  been  expanded  and  lighthouses  erected  to  direct  sailors  to 
paths  of  safety.  The  opening  of  the  Islands  alone  makes  for  a 
more  united  Filipino  race  and  adds  to  the  solidarity  of  the 
ambitious  people. 

Under  the  American  rule  the  Philippines  have  entered  into 
government  ownership  of  the  railroads.  The  government  has 
been  operating  the  railroad  at  a  profit  much  larger  than  the 
private  owner  ever  gained.  The  Philippine  National  Bank, 
established  in  1916,  increased  its  total  assets  from  11,800,000 
pesos  to  210,942,000  pesos  in  1918.  It  is  practically  owned  by 
the  Filipino  people  through  their  government  which  furnished 
over  half  the  capital.  The  National  Development  Company  and 
the  National  Hemp  Company  were  created  by  the  government 
and  largely  capitalized  by  it  in  1919  to  exploit  and  develop  the 
natural  resources  of  the  Islands,  especially  the  hemp  industry. 
The  government  of  the  Philippines  opened  the  rich  island  of 
Mindanao  to  settlers,  labor,  and  capital.  The  development  of 
this  island  means  the  economic  growth  of  the  Philippines.240 

Public  health  is  to-day  far  safer  than  it  was  twenty  years  ago. 
The  Philippines  are  adopting  modern  methods  of  sanitation. 
One  of  the  best  equipped  hospitals  in  the  world  and  the  model 
hospital  in  the  Far  East  is  the  Philippine  General  Hospital  in 
Manila. 

The  Filipino  people  take  a  superlative  pride  in  their  educa- 
tional system  and  its  accomplishment.  The  enterprise  saved 
seventy  per  cent  of  the  population  above  ten  years  of  age  from 
illiteracy.  The  appropriation  of  fifteen  million  dollars  in  1918 
will  extend  primary  education  to  the  most  remote  places,  which 
have  not  been  reached  so  far.  There  are  universities  and  col- 
leges in  the  Philippines  but  the  largest  and  most  modern  is  the 
University  of  the  Philippines  which  was  organized  in  1908.     It 

240  See  Harrison's  article  in  Reconstruction,  June,  1920;  The  Modern  Re- 
view (Calcutta),  March,  1919,  p.  298;  The  Manila  Times,  November  2, 
1919,  pp.  1,  4. 


AMERICAN    STANDARDS   IN    THE   PHILIPPINES         JgJ 

has  the  colleges  of  liberal  arts,  education,  medicine,  law,  agri- 
culture, engineering,  veterinary  science,  besides  the  schools  of 
pharmacy,  dentistry,  forestry,  fine  arts  and  music.  The  Far 
East  looks  upon  the  Philippines  as  a  model  in  educating  the 
Oriental  peoples. 

During  this  period  the  Filipinos  have  perfected  a  govern- 
mental machinery  which  is  adapted  to  the  temper  and  peculiar 
conditions  of  the  country.  Indeed  the  Filipinos  believe  they 
have  a  better  structure  and  a  more  workable  government  than  the 
United  States,  their  teacher  and  their  tutor.  As  has  been  dem- 
onstrated the  Philippines  have  adopted  a  budget  system,  some- 
thing which  the  United  States  has  never  known.  The  parlia- 
mentary system  has  done  away  with  the  irresponsibility  inherent 
in  the  presidential  system.  This  is  an  improvement  which  the 
Filipinos  are  proud  of. 

The  political  life  of  the  Philippines  to-day  is  a  paradise  com- 
pared with  their  previous  condition  under  the  Spanish  regime. 
Well  protected  by  law  the  Filipinos  to-day  live  under  conditions 
which  they  never  knew  before.  Their  inalienable  rights  and 
liberties  are  now  made  the  concern  of  the  government.  No  law 
may  be  passed  which  shall  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or 
property  without  due  process  of  law ;  and  every  person  is  guar- 
anteed equal  protection  of  the  laws.  In  the  Philippines,  Amer- 
icans and  Filipinos  come  before  the  same  court  and  are  judged 
under  the  same  law.  The  bill  of  rights  enumerated  in  the 
organic  law  protects  the  freedom  of  speech,  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  and  the  freedom  of  religion.  Once  for  all  the  church  and 
state  have  been  separated.  All  these  make  for  a  freer  and  more 
secure  public  life  which  have  been  realized  under  the  American 
regime  Needless  to  saj'  the  conversion  of  the  non-Christian 
tribes  to  accept  the  government,  marks  the  beginning  of  the 
unification  of  the  Filipino  people. 

That  the  Filipino  people  remain  gratefully  indebted  to  the 
United  States  is  unquestionable.  The  Philippines  will  always  be 
the  ally  of  the  United  States.  With  the  ever  increasing  spirit  of 
nationality    among   the    Filipino    people,    reinforced   by    their 


162  SELF-fcOYERNMENT  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

V.T- 

ardent  ambitiojf*for  independent  statehood,  the  Philippines  are 
bound  to  become  America  in  miniature. 

America  conquered  with  wisdom  and  ideals  where  others  have 
failed  with  force  and  compulsion. 


$.' 


14  DAY  USE 

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